Conquistador Settler-colonialism & the Crises of Migrant Muslim Complicity

IF 0.3 N/A RELIGION Political Theology Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI:10.1080/1462317x.2023.2262852
Mohamed Abdou
{"title":"Conquistador Settler-colonialism & the Crises of Migrant Muslim Complicity","authors":"Mohamed Abdou","doi":"10.1080/1462317x.2023.2262852","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTMany migrant Muslims to “conquistador settler-colonial” U.S./Canada are driven to become good – settlers because of the devastating imperialist conditions reaped upon our original homelands. However, no Muslim political-theological works address Indigenous struggles or seriously engage settler-colonial studies. Migrant Muslims assume that the U.S./Canada are democratic-secular despite their animation by white-supremacist religious doctrines as Manifest Destiny. This contribution addresses the Qur’anic bases for a globally applicable decolonial, anti-statist/capitalist, social justice, Islam or what I refer to as Anarcha-Islam Drawing on the Qur’anic perspective of ethical-political responsibilities of Muslim hijra (migration), I argue how non-Black migrant Muslims in exile must seriously re-examine their ethical-political commitments and construct mutual alliances with Indigenous and Black peoples in their demands for land’s repatriation as well as reparations.KEYWORDS: Islamdecolonizationabolitionsettlers of colorTurtle IslandPalestinesocial movements Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Jacobs Technion-Cornell University website: https://tech.cornell.edu/jacobs-technion-cornell-institute/; Hudson, “Cornell NYC Tech’s Alarming Ties to the Israeli Occupation”.2 College Foreign Gift and Contract Report: https://sites.ed.gov/foreigngifts/.3 Koch, “The Desert as Laboratory,” 498.4 The Cherokee and the other Five Civilized Tribes which included the Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Cherokee, and Seminole resisted the act. When the allotment process began in 1887, the total land held by American Indian tribes on reservations equaled 138,000,000 acres. By the end of the allotment period landholdings had been reduced to 48,000,000 acres. Since 1934 the landholdings have slowly increased to 56,000,000 acres.5 Koch, “The Desert As Laboratory,” 498.Geiger, The History of American Higher Education, 303–304; Kloppenburg, First the Seed.6 Newman, From Bakunin to Lacan, 99.7 Yang, A Third University is Possible; examples of autonomous schools include the Zapatista inspired Universidad de la Tierra /Unitierra (University of the Earth) in Chiapas and Oaxaca, Mexico.8 Gopal, “On Decolonisation and the University,” 873–899; Bhambra, Gebrial and Nişancıoğlu, Decolonising the University; Thomas and Jivraj, eds., Towards Decolonising the University; Grosfoguel, Velasquez, and Hernandez, Decolonizing the Westernized University.9 See https://nikolehannahjones.com. Besides eliding Indigenous peoples and settler-colonialism, what Hannah-Jones’ 1619 project also elides is that a third to a fifth of transatlantic slaves were Muslims from the Iberian peninsula, and hence the confluence of race and religion.10 Bonita Lawrence speech for the Einaudi Center: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hRt3uv50yLA; also see Lawrence and Dua, “Decolonizing Antiracism”. Cornell University’s land grab, established under the federal Morrill Act of 1862 included 990,000 acres, has raised endowments of up to $6 million. The land was stolen from the Ojibwe, Miwok, Yokuts, Dakota and other parties through 63 treaties or seizures. It displaced as many as 167 Indigenous Nations and communities. The granted land spans present-day boundaries of California, Colorado, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Washington, and Wisconsin.11 See Tiffany Lethabo King, Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang, Bonita Lawrence & Zainab Amadahy, Iyko Day, Shona N. Jackson, Stephanie Smallwood, M. Jacqui Alexander, Saidiya Hartman, Kyle T. Mays, Frank Wilderson III, Alaina E. Roberts, Melissa Phung, and Omise’eke Natasha Tinsley.12 Shohat, “Staging The Quincentenary,” 97. Rana, “The Story of Islamophobia,” 148–161.13 Shohat, “Rethinking Jews and Muslims,” 25–29; Chan-Malik, “race”; see Abdou, Islam & Anarchism.14 Chan-Malik, Being Muslim.15 Abdelnabi, “[Book Review] Muslim Cool”.16 Khabeer, Muslim Cool, 28.17 Auston, “Prayer, Protest, and Police Brutality,” 11–22; Wheeler, “On Centering Black Muslim Women in Critical Race Theory”.18 Ibid.19 For example, as in the recent collected edition, Half of Faith: American Muslim Marriage and Divorce in the Twenty-First Century. The text which numerous prominent Muslim feminists like Kecia Ali, Zahra Ayubi, Asifa Quraishi-Landes contributed to addresses marriage and divorce within Muslim-American marriage. While critically addressing patriarchal interpretations of Islam, the authors offer differing opinions in their exploration of how Muslim women negotiate their marriage rights, at times through the Christian American settler-state, and other times, through a non-monolithic Shari’ah. At no point, do the scholars, except one in passing the U.S. protestant ethics defining the domain of property and rights, incorporate the lens of settler-colonialism and American patriarchy, in assessing the implications of a Muslim women’s appeal for divorce through the American judiciary and at who’s cost, when they’re achieved, these rights are attained. As much as they are interested in reinventing Shari’ah’s ethical-political foundations, they do not offer a decolonial avenue to the entanglement of Muslim women within the specter of racialized and gendered U.S. Islamophobia as well as Muslim patriarchy. Ali, ed., Half of Faith.20 Ibid.21 “Should a Muslim Woman Be President,” Yale Law School: https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/yale-law-school-videos/sylvia-chan-malik-should-muslim-woman-be-president; Chan-Malik, is not the only scholar adopting this approach, others, besides her, like Su’ad Abdul Kabeer, who contributed to PBS documentaries like “American Muslims: A History,” equally participate in eliding settler-colonialism. Nadia Marzouki, Zareena Grewal, Doug NeJaime, Anne Urowsky also contributed to the Yale talk.22 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 1–40.23 I choose to capitalize Black in this article when discussing Blackness in general, unless I’m referring to a particular Black ethnicity. Indigenous is capitalized and used strictly in the settler context in which I am speaking; I do not use the term to describe Palestinians for instance given that as much as they are native to Palestine, there is less of a “pure” sense of identity given the millinea intermixing that has occurred in the region.24 Patel, Moussa, and Upadhyay, “Complicities, Connections, & Struggles,” 5–19; Jafri, “Privilege Vs. Complicity,”; Dhamoon, “A Feminist Approach to Decolonizing Anti-Racism,” 20–37; Phung, “Are People of Colour Settlers Too?”.25 Collins, “Foreword”; Byrd, The Transit of Empire, xi.26 “Should Muslim Woman Be President,” Yale Law School: https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/yale-law-school-videos/sylvia-chan-malik-should-muslim-woman-be-president27 Ibid; The Yale speakers noted Black transatlantic Muslims like Ayuba Suleiman Diallo, Abdulrahman Ibrahim Ibn Sori (referred to as the “prince of slaves”), Omar ibn Said, and Bilali Muhammad (who wrote the “Bilali document” referencing Qur’ānic passages and different religious practices).28 Ibid. Here, building on Hartman, as I noted elsewhere, I am referring to how “slavery is constantly (re)birthed through: Stand-Your-Ground laws, police brutality and premeditated extrajudicial killings, routine “Stop and Frisk” programs, “Policies of Broken Windows,” voter disenfranchisement, School-to-Prison pipelines, impoverishment and premature deaths, as well as 1994 Crime bills which Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders voted for and that superfluously target and incarcerate Black youth who are referred to as “super-predators” and “thugs” within a shattered criminal justice system.” See Mohamed Abdou, Let Empire Collapse: Why We Need A Decolonial Revolution in Roar Magazine, November 2nd, 2020, https://roarmag.org/essays/let-empire-collapse-why-we-need-a-decolonial-revolution/.29 Ibid.30 Coulthard, “Beyond Recognition”; Coulthard and Simpson, “Grounded Normativity/Place-Based Solidarity”; Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition; Fanon, “The Wretched of the Earth. Translated [from the French] by Constance Farrington”; Toward the African Revolution; Lawrence and Dua, “Decolonizing Antiracism”; Lovelace, “Decolonization: The Fundamental Struggle for Liberation”.31 Ibid.32 Sylvia Chan-Malik 20 years after 9/11, US Muslims Are Writing a New Story, https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/20-years-after-9-11-us-muslims-are-writing-a-new-story-49887, TRTWorld.33 Ibid., 67; Choueiri, “The Middle East”.34 Dubios, The Souls of Black Folks, 2–3.35 Abdou, Let Empire Collapse.36 Byrd, The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism.37 Tuck, and McKenzie, “Land Education,” 15; Morgensen, “Un-settling Settler Desires,” 157–158; Morgensen, “The Biopolitics of Settler Colonialism: Right Here, Right Now,” 52–76.38 Numerous scholars prior to Chan-Malik have made this point. They include: M. Jacqui Alexander, Gloria Anzaldua, Cornell West, bell hooks, Lata Mani, and Leela Fernandes have claimed that there is a need for the necessity for decolonial spiritualities and that scholar-activists step out of the “spiritual closet. Alexander, Pedagogies of Crossing, 15.39 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 19.40 Byrd and Rothberg, “Between Subalternity and Indigeneity,” 3.41 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.42 Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 387.43 Ibid.44 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.45 Ibid.46 Amadahy, “Interview with Zainab Amadahy Zainab Amadahy in Conversation with Feral Feminisms’ Guest Editors”; Lovelace, “The Last Fire in Ghostland-Keynote Address”; Armstrong, First Nations on Ancestral Connection. Here, indigeneity is conceived “beyond race, ethnicity or political definitions, [and hence] indigeneity can become a social ethic. In this way, the re-indigenized person or community is a perfectly integrated part of nature rather than separate from it” (Ibid).47 Ibid.48 Ibid.49 Coulthard, Red Skins, White Masks; Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 10; Deloria, Playing Indian; Tallbear in Francie Latour, “The Myth of Native American Blood”; Fellows and Razack, “The Race to Innocence,” 335.50 Day, Gramsci is Dead, 9.51 Tuck and Yang, Decolonization is Not a Metaphor, 9.52 Ibid.53 Salaita, Inter/Nationalism; Olwan, “On Assumptive Solidarities in Comparative Settler Colonialisms”; .Sherene H Razack, “Stealing the Pain of Others,” 379.54 Ali, “The Truth About Islam and Sex Slavery History is More Complicated Than You Think,”.55 Ibid.56 Ibid. These liberal-progressive stances are exemplified in political stances as Rashida Tlaib, Omar Suleiman, Dahlia Mogahed, and Linda Sarsour, as well as more conservative Muslims like Hamza Yusuf and Sherman Jackson, and others in between such as Zaid Shakir.57 Ibid.; also see Veracini, “Introducing,” 1–12.58 Ibid.59 Ibid., 16.60 Ibid., 15; Coulthard, “Subjects of Empire,” 437–460.61 Lethabo-King, The Black Shoals.62 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.63 Ibid., 34.64 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.65 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 19.66 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism, 34.67 Ibid.68 Brandzel, Against Citizenship, 116–17.69 Jackman and Upadhyay, “Pinkwatching Israel, Whitewashing Canada”; Krebs and Olwan, “‘From Jerusalem to the Grand River, Our Struggles Are One’”; Lloyd, “Settler Colonialism and the State of Exception”; Salaita, Inter/Nationalism; Salamanca, “Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine”.70 Mohamed Abdou (2021) On the Ethics of Disagreements (Uṣūl al-Ikhtilaf) and the Ethics of Hospitality (Uṣūl al-Dhiyafa) Between Spiritual and non-Spiritual Leftists in the Newest Social Movements, Political Theology,71 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 31–32.72 Ibid., 4. As Byrd and Rothberg argue, the “question of fit suggests that at stake in exploring the resonance between the categories “subaltern” and “indigenous” is a matter of urgent translation – translation in all its senses, linguistic, cultural, and spatial. Indeed, the question of translation goes beyond the question of how to relate two autonomously developing intellectual traditions to each other (indigenous studies and subaltern/postcolonial studies)” (Ibid., 4).73 In Mohamed Abdou, Islam and Anarchism; also see, Speri, “Fear of a Black Homeland”; Brown, Parrish, and Speri, “Leaked Documents Reveal Counterterrorism Tactics Used Standing Rock to Defeat Pipeline Insurgency”.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMohamed AbdouMohamed Abdou is the Aracpita Visiting Scholar of Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies at Columbia University. He graduated from Queen’s University with a Doctorate in Cultural Studies and holds a BAH/MA in Sociology, and previously taught at the American University of Cairo, the University of Toronto and Cornell University. He is a self-identifying migrant settler of color living on the traditional homelands of the Lenni-Lenape and Wappinger peoples. He is author of the book Islam and Anarchism: Relationships and Resonances (Pluto Press, 2022). His current project examines how spiritual orientations/practices can inform non-racial conceptualizations of indigeneity and troubles contemporary decolonial social movements that are animated by secular anti-global and anti-Capitalist aspirations.","PeriodicalId":43759,"journal":{"name":"Political Theology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Political Theology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1462317x.2023.2262852","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"N/A","JCRName":"RELIGION","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

ABSTRACTMany migrant Muslims to “conquistador settler-colonial” U.S./Canada are driven to become good – settlers because of the devastating imperialist conditions reaped upon our original homelands. However, no Muslim political-theological works address Indigenous struggles or seriously engage settler-colonial studies. Migrant Muslims assume that the U.S./Canada are democratic-secular despite their animation by white-supremacist religious doctrines as Manifest Destiny. This contribution addresses the Qur’anic bases for a globally applicable decolonial, anti-statist/capitalist, social justice, Islam or what I refer to as Anarcha-Islam Drawing on the Qur’anic perspective of ethical-political responsibilities of Muslim hijra (migration), I argue how non-Black migrant Muslims in exile must seriously re-examine their ethical-political commitments and construct mutual alliances with Indigenous and Black peoples in their demands for land’s repatriation as well as reparations.KEYWORDS: Islamdecolonizationabolitionsettlers of colorTurtle IslandPalestinesocial movements Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Jacobs Technion-Cornell University website: https://tech.cornell.edu/jacobs-technion-cornell-institute/; Hudson, “Cornell NYC Tech’s Alarming Ties to the Israeli Occupation”.2 College Foreign Gift and Contract Report: https://sites.ed.gov/foreigngifts/.3 Koch, “The Desert as Laboratory,” 498.4 The Cherokee and the other Five Civilized Tribes which included the Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Cherokee, and Seminole resisted the act. When the allotment process began in 1887, the total land held by American Indian tribes on reservations equaled 138,000,000 acres. By the end of the allotment period landholdings had been reduced to 48,000,000 acres. Since 1934 the landholdings have slowly increased to 56,000,000 acres.5 Koch, “The Desert As Laboratory,” 498.Geiger, The History of American Higher Education, 303–304; Kloppenburg, First the Seed.6 Newman, From Bakunin to Lacan, 99.7 Yang, A Third University is Possible; examples of autonomous schools include the Zapatista inspired Universidad de la Tierra /Unitierra (University of the Earth) in Chiapas and Oaxaca, Mexico.8 Gopal, “On Decolonisation and the University,” 873–899; Bhambra, Gebrial and Nişancıoğlu, Decolonising the University; Thomas and Jivraj, eds., Towards Decolonising the University; Grosfoguel, Velasquez, and Hernandez, Decolonizing the Westernized University.9 See https://nikolehannahjones.com. Besides eliding Indigenous peoples and settler-colonialism, what Hannah-Jones’ 1619 project also elides is that a third to a fifth of transatlantic slaves were Muslims from the Iberian peninsula, and hence the confluence of race and religion.10 Bonita Lawrence speech for the Einaudi Center: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hRt3uv50yLA; also see Lawrence and Dua, “Decolonizing Antiracism”. Cornell University’s land grab, established under the federal Morrill Act of 1862 included 990,000 acres, has raised endowments of up to $6 million. The land was stolen from the Ojibwe, Miwok, Yokuts, Dakota and other parties through 63 treaties or seizures. It displaced as many as 167 Indigenous Nations and communities. The granted land spans present-day boundaries of California, Colorado, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Washington, and Wisconsin.11 See Tiffany Lethabo King, Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang, Bonita Lawrence & Zainab Amadahy, Iyko Day, Shona N. Jackson, Stephanie Smallwood, M. Jacqui Alexander, Saidiya Hartman, Kyle T. Mays, Frank Wilderson III, Alaina E. Roberts, Melissa Phung, and Omise’eke Natasha Tinsley.12 Shohat, “Staging The Quincentenary,” 97. Rana, “The Story of Islamophobia,” 148–161.13 Shohat, “Rethinking Jews and Muslims,” 25–29; Chan-Malik, “race”; see Abdou, Islam & Anarchism.14 Chan-Malik, Being Muslim.15 Abdelnabi, “[Book Review] Muslim Cool”.16 Khabeer, Muslim Cool, 28.17 Auston, “Prayer, Protest, and Police Brutality,” 11–22; Wheeler, “On Centering Black Muslim Women in Critical Race Theory”.18 Ibid.19 For example, as in the recent collected edition, Half of Faith: American Muslim Marriage and Divorce in the Twenty-First Century. The text which numerous prominent Muslim feminists like Kecia Ali, Zahra Ayubi, Asifa Quraishi-Landes contributed to addresses marriage and divorce within Muslim-American marriage. While critically addressing patriarchal interpretations of Islam, the authors offer differing opinions in their exploration of how Muslim women negotiate their marriage rights, at times through the Christian American settler-state, and other times, through a non-monolithic Shari’ah. At no point, do the scholars, except one in passing the U.S. protestant ethics defining the domain of property and rights, incorporate the lens of settler-colonialism and American patriarchy, in assessing the implications of a Muslim women’s appeal for divorce through the American judiciary and at who’s cost, when they’re achieved, these rights are attained. As much as they are interested in reinventing Shari’ah’s ethical-political foundations, they do not offer a decolonial avenue to the entanglement of Muslim women within the specter of racialized and gendered U.S. Islamophobia as well as Muslim patriarchy. Ali, ed., Half of Faith.20 Ibid.21 “Should a Muslim Woman Be President,” Yale Law School: https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/yale-law-school-videos/sylvia-chan-malik-should-muslim-woman-be-president; Chan-Malik, is not the only scholar adopting this approach, others, besides her, like Su’ad Abdul Kabeer, who contributed to PBS documentaries like “American Muslims: A History,” equally participate in eliding settler-colonialism. Nadia Marzouki, Zareena Grewal, Doug NeJaime, Anne Urowsky also contributed to the Yale talk.22 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 1–40.23 I choose to capitalize Black in this article when discussing Blackness in general, unless I’m referring to a particular Black ethnicity. Indigenous is capitalized and used strictly in the settler context in which I am speaking; I do not use the term to describe Palestinians for instance given that as much as they are native to Palestine, there is less of a “pure” sense of identity given the millinea intermixing that has occurred in the region.24 Patel, Moussa, and Upadhyay, “Complicities, Connections, & Struggles,” 5–19; Jafri, “Privilege Vs. Complicity,”; Dhamoon, “A Feminist Approach to Decolonizing Anti-Racism,” 20–37; Phung, “Are People of Colour Settlers Too?”.25 Collins, “Foreword”; Byrd, The Transit of Empire, xi.26 “Should Muslim Woman Be President,” Yale Law School: https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/yale-law-school-videos/sylvia-chan-malik-should-muslim-woman-be-president27 Ibid; The Yale speakers noted Black transatlantic Muslims like Ayuba Suleiman Diallo, Abdulrahman Ibrahim Ibn Sori (referred to as the “prince of slaves”), Omar ibn Said, and Bilali Muhammad (who wrote the “Bilali document” referencing Qur’ānic passages and different religious practices).28 Ibid. Here, building on Hartman, as I noted elsewhere, I am referring to how “slavery is constantly (re)birthed through: Stand-Your-Ground laws, police brutality and premeditated extrajudicial killings, routine “Stop and Frisk” programs, “Policies of Broken Windows,” voter disenfranchisement, School-to-Prison pipelines, impoverishment and premature deaths, as well as 1994 Crime bills which Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders voted for and that superfluously target and incarcerate Black youth who are referred to as “super-predators” and “thugs” within a shattered criminal justice system.” See Mohamed Abdou, Let Empire Collapse: Why We Need A Decolonial Revolution in Roar Magazine, November 2nd, 2020, https://roarmag.org/essays/let-empire-collapse-why-we-need-a-decolonial-revolution/.29 Ibid.30 Coulthard, “Beyond Recognition”; Coulthard and Simpson, “Grounded Normativity/Place-Based Solidarity”; Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition; Fanon, “The Wretched of the Earth. Translated [from the French] by Constance Farrington”; Toward the African Revolution; Lawrence and Dua, “Decolonizing Antiracism”; Lovelace, “Decolonization: The Fundamental Struggle for Liberation”.31 Ibid.32 Sylvia Chan-Malik 20 years after 9/11, US Muslims Are Writing a New Story, https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/20-years-after-9-11-us-muslims-are-writing-a-new-story-49887, TRTWorld.33 Ibid., 67; Choueiri, “The Middle East”.34 Dubios, The Souls of Black Folks, 2–3.35 Abdou, Let Empire Collapse.36 Byrd, The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism.37 Tuck, and McKenzie, “Land Education,” 15; Morgensen, “Un-settling Settler Desires,” 157–158; Morgensen, “The Biopolitics of Settler Colonialism: Right Here, Right Now,” 52–76.38 Numerous scholars prior to Chan-Malik have made this point. They include: M. Jacqui Alexander, Gloria Anzaldua, Cornell West, bell hooks, Lata Mani, and Leela Fernandes have claimed that there is a need for the necessity for decolonial spiritualities and that scholar-activists step out of the “spiritual closet. Alexander, Pedagogies of Crossing, 15.39 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 19.40 Byrd and Rothberg, “Between Subalternity and Indigeneity,” 3.41 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.42 Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 387.43 Ibid.44 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.45 Ibid.46 Amadahy, “Interview with Zainab Amadahy Zainab Amadahy in Conversation with Feral Feminisms’ Guest Editors”; Lovelace, “The Last Fire in Ghostland-Keynote Address”; Armstrong, First Nations on Ancestral Connection. Here, indigeneity is conceived “beyond race, ethnicity or political definitions, [and hence] indigeneity can become a social ethic. In this way, the re-indigenized person or community is a perfectly integrated part of nature rather than separate from it” (Ibid).47 Ibid.48 Ibid.49 Coulthard, Red Skins, White Masks; Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 10; Deloria, Playing Indian; Tallbear in Francie Latour, “The Myth of Native American Blood”; Fellows and Razack, “The Race to Innocence,” 335.50 Day, Gramsci is Dead, 9.51 Tuck and Yang, Decolonization is Not a Metaphor, 9.52 Ibid.53 Salaita, Inter/Nationalism; Olwan, “On Assumptive Solidarities in Comparative Settler Colonialisms”; .Sherene H Razack, “Stealing the Pain of Others,” 379.54 Ali, “The Truth About Islam and Sex Slavery History is More Complicated Than You Think,”.55 Ibid.56 Ibid. These liberal-progressive stances are exemplified in political stances as Rashida Tlaib, Omar Suleiman, Dahlia Mogahed, and Linda Sarsour, as well as more conservative Muslims like Hamza Yusuf and Sherman Jackson, and others in between such as Zaid Shakir.57 Ibid.; also see Veracini, “Introducing,” 1–12.58 Ibid.59 Ibid., 16.60 Ibid., 15; Coulthard, “Subjects of Empire,” 437–460.61 Lethabo-King, The Black Shoals.62 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.63 Ibid., 34.64 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism.65 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 19.66 Abdou, Islam and Anarchism, 34.67 Ibid.68 Brandzel, Against Citizenship, 116–17.69 Jackman and Upadhyay, “Pinkwatching Israel, Whitewashing Canada”; Krebs and Olwan, “‘From Jerusalem to the Grand River, Our Struggles Are One’”; Lloyd, “Settler Colonialism and the State of Exception”; Salaita, Inter/Nationalism; Salamanca, “Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine”.70 Mohamed Abdou (2021) On the Ethics of Disagreements (Uṣūl al-Ikhtilaf) and the Ethics of Hospitality (Uṣūl al-Dhiyafa) Between Spiritual and non-Spiritual Leftists in the Newest Social Movements, Political Theology,71 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor,” 31–32.72 Ibid., 4. As Byrd and Rothberg argue, the “question of fit suggests that at stake in exploring the resonance between the categories “subaltern” and “indigenous” is a matter of urgent translation – translation in all its senses, linguistic, cultural, and spatial. Indeed, the question of translation goes beyond the question of how to relate two autonomously developing intellectual traditions to each other (indigenous studies and subaltern/postcolonial studies)” (Ibid., 4).73 In Mohamed Abdou, Islam and Anarchism; also see, Speri, “Fear of a Black Homeland”; Brown, Parrish, and Speri, “Leaked Documents Reveal Counterterrorism Tactics Used Standing Rock to Defeat Pipeline Insurgency”.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMohamed AbdouMohamed Abdou is the Aracpita Visiting Scholar of Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies at Columbia University. He graduated from Queen’s University with a Doctorate in Cultural Studies and holds a BAH/MA in Sociology, and previously taught at the American University of Cairo, the University of Toronto and Cornell University. He is a self-identifying migrant settler of color living on the traditional homelands of the Lenni-Lenape and Wappinger peoples. He is author of the book Islam and Anarchism: Relationships and Resonances (Pluto Press, 2022). His current project examines how spiritual orientations/practices can inform non-racial conceptualizations of indigeneity and troubles contemporary decolonial social movements that are animated by secular anti-global and anti-Capitalist aspirations.
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征服者移民殖民主义移民穆斯林共谋的危机
界定财产和权利领域的新教伦理,结合了定居者殖民主义和美国父权制的视角,在评估穆斯林妇女通过美国司法要求离婚的影响时,以及在谁的代价下,当他们获得了这些权利,这些权利就得到了。尽管他们对重塑伊斯兰教法的伦理政治基础很感兴趣,但他们并没有为穆斯林妇女在种族化和性别化的美国伊斯兰恐惧症以及穆斯林父权制的幽灵中纠缠提供一个去殖民化的途径。阿里主编,《信仰的一半》,20,同上21“穆斯林妇女应该当总统吗?”,耶鲁大学法学院:https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/yale-law-school-videos/sylvia-chan-malik-should-muslim-woman-be-president;Chan-Malik并不是唯一采用这种方法的学者,除了她之外,其他人也同样参与了对定居者殖民主义的回避,比如为PBS纪录片《美国穆斯林:一段历史》(American Muslims: A History)做出贡献的苏阿德·阿卜杜勒·卡比尔(Su 'ad Abdul Kabeer)。Nadia Marzouki, Zareena Grewal, Doug NeJaime, Anne Urowsky也参与了耶鲁的演讲Tuck and Yang,“非殖民化不是一个隐喻”,1-40.23在本文中,除非我指的是特定的黑人种族,否则在一般情况下,我选择将Black大写。土著人是大写的,严格地用在我所说的定居者的语境中;例如,我不会用这个词来描述巴勒斯坦人,因为尽管他们是土生土长的巴勒斯坦人,但考虑到该地区发生的千年混合,他们没有那么“纯粹”的认同感Patel, Moussa和Upadhyay,“共谋、联系和斗争”,第5-19页;Jafri,“特权与共谋”;《非殖民化和反种族主义的女性主义方法》,第20-37页;Phung,“有色人种也是移民吗?柯林斯“前言”;伯德:《帝国的变迁》,第26页“穆斯林妇女应该当总统吗?”耶鲁大学法学院:https://law.yale.edu/yls-today/yale-law-school-videos/sylvia-chan-malik-should-muslim-woman-be-president27同上;28 .耶鲁大学的演讲者提到了跨大西洋的黑人穆斯林,如阿尤巴·苏莱曼·迪亚洛、阿卜杜勒拉赫曼·易卜拉欣·伊本·索里(被称为“奴隶王子”)、奥马尔·伊本·赛义德和比拉利·穆罕默德(他写了“比拉利文件”,引用古兰经ānic段落和不同的宗教习俗)同上,在哈特曼的基础上,正如我在其他地方指出的,我指的是“奴隶制是如何不断(重新)诞生的:坚持立场法、警察暴行和有预谋的法外杀戮、常规的“拦截和搜查”计划、“破窗政策”、剥夺选民选举权、从学校到监狱的管道、贫困和过早死亡,以及希拉里·克林顿和伯尼·桑德斯投票支持的1994年犯罪法案,这些法案多余地针对和监禁黑人青年,他们被称为破碎的刑事司法系统中的“超级掠夺者”和“暴徒”。参见Mohamed Abdou,《让帝国崩溃:为什么我们需要一场非殖民革命》,《咆哮》杂志,2020年11月2日,https://roarmag.org/essays/let-empire-collapse-why-we-need-a-decolonial-revolution/.29同上,30 Coulthard,“超越认知”;库特哈德和辛普森,“接地规范/基于地点的团结”;库特哈德:《红皮肤,白面具:拒绝殖民政治的承认》法农,《地球上的可怜人》。由康斯坦斯·法灵顿译[源自法语];走向非洲革命;劳伦斯和杜瓦,“非殖民化的反种族主义”;非殖民化:争取解放的基本斗争>,第31页同上32 Sylvia Chan-Malik, 911事件20年后,美国穆斯林正在书写一个新的故事,https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/20-years-after-9-11-us-muslims-are-writing-a-new-story-49887, TRTWorld.33出处同上,67;Choueiri, <中东>,第34页杜比斯,《黑人的灵魂》,第2-3.35页;阿卜杜,《让帝国崩溃》,第36页;伯德,《帝国的变迁:对殖民主义的本土批评》,第37页;塔克和麦肯齐,《土地教育》,第15页;摩根森,《不安定定居者的欲望》,157-158页;Morgensen,“移民殖民主义的生命政治:此时此地”,52-76.38在Chan-Malik之前的许多学者都提出了这一点。他们包括:M. Jacqui Alexander, Gloria Anzaldua, Cornell West, bell hooks, Lata Mani和Leela Fernandes,他们声称有必要进行非殖民化的精神活动,并且学者活动家走出了“精神壁橱”。亚历山大,《跨界教育学》,15.39塔克和杨,“去殖民化不是隐喻”,19.40伯德和罗斯伯格,“在次等性和土著性之间”,3.41阿卜杜,伊斯兰教和无政府主义,3.41沃尔夫,“移民殖民主义和对土著的消灭”,387.43同上,44阿卜杜,伊斯兰教和无政府主义。45同上,46阿卜杜,“采访扎伊纳布·阿马达伊扎伊纳布·阿马达伊与野性女性主义客座编辑的对话”;洛夫莱斯,“鬼城最后的火”主题演讲;阿姆斯特朗,第一民族的祖先联系。 在这里,土著被认为是“超越种族、民族或政治定义的,[因此]土著可以成为一种社会伦理。通过这种方式,重新本土化的个人或社区是自然的完美组成部分,而不是与自然分离”(同上)同上。48同上。49库特哈德,红皮,白面具;Tuck和Yang,“非殖民化不是隐喻”,10;Deloria,扮演印第安人;弗朗西·拉图尔《印第安人血统的神话》中的高个子熊;费洛斯和拉扎克,《走向纯真的竞赛》,335.50天,葛兰西已死,9.51塔克和杨,《非殖民化不是隐喻》,9.52同上,53萨莱塔,《国际/民族主义》;奥万:“比较移民殖民主义中的假定团结”;谢琳·H·拉扎克,《偷走别人的痛苦》,379.54阿里,《伊斯兰教和性奴役历史的真相比你想象的要复杂》,55这些自由进步的立场体现在政治立场上,如Rashida Tlaib, Omar Suleiman, Dahlia Mogahed和Linda Sarsour,以及更保守的穆斯林,如Hamza Yusuf和Sherman Jackson,以及其他介于两者之间的人,如Zaid shakir57同上;也见Veracini,“介绍”,1-12.58同上,同上59,16.60同上,15;62阿卜杜,伊斯兰教与无政府主义,63同上,34.64阿卜杜,伊斯兰教与无政府主义。65塔克和杨,“非殖民化不是隐喻”,19.66阿卜杜,伊斯兰教与无政府主义,34.67同上。68布兰泽尔,反对公民权,116-17.69杰克曼和厄帕德海伊,“粉红观察以色列,洗白加拿大”;克雷布斯和奥尔万,“从耶路撒冷到大河,我们的斗争是一致的”;劳埃德:《移民殖民主义与例外状态》;Salaita,国米/民族主义;萨拉曼卡,《过去即现在:巴勒斯坦定居者的殖民主义》,第70页穆罕默德·阿卜杜(2021)论最新社会运动中精神和非精神左派之间的分歧伦理(Uṣūl al-Ikhtilaf)和好客伦理(Uṣūl al-Dhiyafa),政治神学,71塔克和杨,“非殖化不是隐喻,”31-32.72同上,4。正如伯德和罗斯伯格所言,“契合的问题表明,在探索‘次等’和‘本土’这两个范畴之间的共鸣时,利害攸关的是一个紧迫的翻译问题——所有意义上的翻译,包括语言、文化和空间。”事实上,翻译的问题超越了如何将两种自主发展的知识传统(土著研究和次等/后殖民研究)相互联系起来的问题”(同上,4)在穆罕默德·阿卜杜,伊斯兰教和无政府主义;还有Speri的《对黑人家园的恐惧》;Brown, Parrish, and Speri,“泄露的文件揭示了使用立石打击管道叛乱的反恐策略”。穆罕默德·阿卜杜是哥伦比亚大学中东、南亚和非洲研究的阿拉皮塔访问学者。他毕业于女王大学,获得文化研究博士学位,并拥有社会学学士/硕士学位,此前曾在开罗美国大学、多伦多大学和康奈尔大学任教。他是一个自我认同的有色人种移民,生活在Lenni-Lenape和Wappinger民族的传统家园上。他是《伊斯兰教和无政府主义:关系和共鸣》(冥王星出版社,2022年)一书的作者。他目前的项目是研究精神取向/实践如何为土著的非种族概念化提供信息,并为当代非殖民化社会运动带来麻烦,这些运动是由世俗的反全球化和反资本主义的愿望所激发的。
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Political Theology
Political Theology RELIGION-
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