Where Are the Workers? Labor's Stories at Museums and Historic Sites

IF 0.3 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI:10.1215/15476715-10581419
Nick Juravich
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Thankfully, they note, “public historians have called for more public histories of labor” over the past decade, and these calls have coincided with renewed worker militancy across many professions and regions of the United States (2). “The time is ripe,” Forrant and Trasciatti argue, “for an expansion of place-based public labor history” (4). Where Are the Workers? is their effort to catalog and analyze how and where place-based public labor history is happening already and why it is indeed so urgent.The collection is impressively wide-ranging and diverse. Forrant and Trasciatti are experienced practitioners in well-known public labor history projects, but in compiling this volume, they have reached well beyond the familiar. Workers of many races, generations, and occupations are represented herein, and the practitioners chronicling their struggles are equally varied. They include museum founders, curators reinterpreting beloved spaces, and archivists and organizers working together to preserve and present new records of working-class lives and labors. Many readers will find one or two chapters in Where Are the Workers? that speak directly to their interests, or belong on their syllabi, while those seeking surveys of both public history and labor history will find the collection useful as an overview.In keeping with Forrant and Trasciatti's charge to show how public history can inform and inspire present and future struggles, the authors in part I of the volume offer useful insights on the programs and partnerships they have built, as well as the history they curate. The West Virginia Mine Wars Museum was inspired by the state's 2018 teacher strike—in which educators donned the red bandannas worn by striking miners a century earlier—to establish annual “Red Bandanna” awards honoring the work of organizers in West Virginia today. In Barre, Vermont; Lawrence, Massachusetts; and Columbus, Georgia, curators and educators have embraced ongoing processes of reinterpretation that incorporate new sites, new institutional partnerships, and new perspectives, with the goal of creating “spaces defined by doing, not by being” (44).Karen Sieber and Elijah Gaddis's chapter on the Loray Mill is exemplary in its discussions of process. The authors detail their efforts to engage and honor mill village residents whose “vernacular preservation and interpretation techniques” helped preserve the site and assemble rich records of the lives of its workers (102). In addition to creating a physical space for exhibition, the authors partnered with longtime community members to digitize their own collections (particularly photos) and 1920 census records for the mill village. They then developed their own cataloging system to “prioritize local categorizations and understandings” of these archives (107). Katrina Windon and Conor Casey further develop the theme of democratizing our labor history archives. This process includes interrogating and presenting the collections we hold afresh, as Windon did in her exhibition on the Elaine massacre in Arkansas, and engaging working people in the creation of new records that both serve and document present-day struggles, as Casey does at the Labor Archives of Washington.Part II examines challenges public historians of labor face, in two categories: efforts to avoid or minimize the conflicts at the heart of labor history, and more subtle co-optation stemming from neoliberal imperatives that link historical preservation and redevelopment. The US National Park Service (NPS), Erik Loomis notes, has worked hard to make its sites more inclusive, but even when work and workers are honored, the focus is on “innovation and cooperation instead of class struggle” (147). This interpretative frame has smoothed labor history's rough edges to serve urban redevelopment in places like Lowell, Massachusetts. Overall, however, Loomis argues that labor history remains marginalized at NPS sites because there simply is “no sanitized history of class conflict” to fit a celebratory story of the United States, of the kind many visitors expect (155).Rachel Donaldson's chapter offers a concrete case study of this problem. In the small town of Tyronza, Arkansas, where the Southern Tenant Farmers Museum is located, descendants of both sharecroppers and landowners comprise the “public” to whom the museum must appeal. The written labels in the museum thus avoid naming cruel landlords—whose evictions prompted the creation of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union—though interpretive guides are free to discuss the specifics with their tour groups (a practice that surely requires much local knowledge of who, exactly, has come into the museum, and with what expectations).Chapters on Paterson, New Jersey, and urban Texas both interrogate the relationship between public history, urban redevelopment, and present-day working-class residents of cities. In Paterson, as Kristin O'Brassill-Kulfan observes, public labor historians must work to ensure that “culture-led redevelopment” and preservation serve the working people of Paterson today instead of buttressing revenue generation for a privileged few (187). In urban Texas, Rob Linné urges public historians to celebrate the “constant state of flux” in which Latinx murals and street memorials exist, even as he warns that gentrification and neighborhood change are regular hazards (204). Questions of gentrification and urban redevelopment appear in flashes in Where Are the Workers?, but they are central concerns for public labor historians across the world.Rebekah Bryer and Thomas MacMillan's final chapter, on Maine governor Paul LePage's removal of the Maine Labor Mural from the state's Department of Labor building, shows what public labor history is up against when it comes into direct conflict with labor's enemies. While LePage failed both to erase Maine's labor history and to establish Maine as a right-to-work state, the overall takeaway is clear. Capital knows the dangers of labor history, and its agents will do whatever it takes to marginalize, co-opt, and, in the last instance, erase it.Where Are the Workers? has no conclusion, an editorial decision that is equally sensible and provocative. Such a summary would likely put far too neat a bow on this wide-ranging collection. At the same time, the very urgency of these essays leaves us asking for more. “Place-based public labor history,” as Where Are the Workers? shows, is alive and well, challenging and correcting dominant narratives in innumerable locales across the nation. What, then, is the next step? As we hope, and organize, for the militant uprisings of the last few years to coalesce into a larger resurgence of the US labor movement, we must also imagine how these specific efforts might be combined into a new national narrative that puts working people and their struggles front and center. 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Abstract

“Class is central to everyday life,” write Robert Forrant and Mary Anne Trasciatti in the introduction to their new edited collection, Where Are the Workers? Labor's Stories at Museums and Historic Sites. “Yet,” they continue, “the stories of how working-class people have fought for . . . things that make life worth living remain unfamiliar to large numbers of Americans” (1). Forrant and Trasciatti detail the reasons for this unfamiliarity, from the precipitous decline of organized labor (and, with it, the spaces and occasions in which workers and their communities once encountered this history) to the “abysmal” state of labor history education in public schools, as well as at many museums and public historical sites. Thankfully, they note, “public historians have called for more public histories of labor” over the past decade, and these calls have coincided with renewed worker militancy across many professions and regions of the United States (2). “The time is ripe,” Forrant and Trasciatti argue, “for an expansion of place-based public labor history” (4). Where Are the Workers? is their effort to catalog and analyze how and where place-based public labor history is happening already and why it is indeed so urgent.The collection is impressively wide-ranging and diverse. Forrant and Trasciatti are experienced practitioners in well-known public labor history projects, but in compiling this volume, they have reached well beyond the familiar. Workers of many races, generations, and occupations are represented herein, and the practitioners chronicling their struggles are equally varied. They include museum founders, curators reinterpreting beloved spaces, and archivists and organizers working together to preserve and present new records of working-class lives and labors. Many readers will find one or two chapters in Where Are the Workers? that speak directly to their interests, or belong on their syllabi, while those seeking surveys of both public history and labor history will find the collection useful as an overview.In keeping with Forrant and Trasciatti's charge to show how public history can inform and inspire present and future struggles, the authors in part I of the volume offer useful insights on the programs and partnerships they have built, as well as the history they curate. The West Virginia Mine Wars Museum was inspired by the state's 2018 teacher strike—in which educators donned the red bandannas worn by striking miners a century earlier—to establish annual “Red Bandanna” awards honoring the work of organizers in West Virginia today. In Barre, Vermont; Lawrence, Massachusetts; and Columbus, Georgia, curators and educators have embraced ongoing processes of reinterpretation that incorporate new sites, new institutional partnerships, and new perspectives, with the goal of creating “spaces defined by doing, not by being” (44).Karen Sieber and Elijah Gaddis's chapter on the Loray Mill is exemplary in its discussions of process. The authors detail their efforts to engage and honor mill village residents whose “vernacular preservation and interpretation techniques” helped preserve the site and assemble rich records of the lives of its workers (102). In addition to creating a physical space for exhibition, the authors partnered with longtime community members to digitize their own collections (particularly photos) and 1920 census records for the mill village. They then developed their own cataloging system to “prioritize local categorizations and understandings” of these archives (107). Katrina Windon and Conor Casey further develop the theme of democratizing our labor history archives. This process includes interrogating and presenting the collections we hold afresh, as Windon did in her exhibition on the Elaine massacre in Arkansas, and engaging working people in the creation of new records that both serve and document present-day struggles, as Casey does at the Labor Archives of Washington.Part II examines challenges public historians of labor face, in two categories: efforts to avoid or minimize the conflicts at the heart of labor history, and more subtle co-optation stemming from neoliberal imperatives that link historical preservation and redevelopment. The US National Park Service (NPS), Erik Loomis notes, has worked hard to make its sites more inclusive, but even when work and workers are honored, the focus is on “innovation and cooperation instead of class struggle” (147). This interpretative frame has smoothed labor history's rough edges to serve urban redevelopment in places like Lowell, Massachusetts. Overall, however, Loomis argues that labor history remains marginalized at NPS sites because there simply is “no sanitized history of class conflict” to fit a celebratory story of the United States, of the kind many visitors expect (155).Rachel Donaldson's chapter offers a concrete case study of this problem. In the small town of Tyronza, Arkansas, where the Southern Tenant Farmers Museum is located, descendants of both sharecroppers and landowners comprise the “public” to whom the museum must appeal. The written labels in the museum thus avoid naming cruel landlords—whose evictions prompted the creation of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union—though interpretive guides are free to discuss the specifics with their tour groups (a practice that surely requires much local knowledge of who, exactly, has come into the museum, and with what expectations).Chapters on Paterson, New Jersey, and urban Texas both interrogate the relationship between public history, urban redevelopment, and present-day working-class residents of cities. In Paterson, as Kristin O'Brassill-Kulfan observes, public labor historians must work to ensure that “culture-led redevelopment” and preservation serve the working people of Paterson today instead of buttressing revenue generation for a privileged few (187). In urban Texas, Rob Linné urges public historians to celebrate the “constant state of flux” in which Latinx murals and street memorials exist, even as he warns that gentrification and neighborhood change are regular hazards (204). Questions of gentrification and urban redevelopment appear in flashes in Where Are the Workers?, but they are central concerns for public labor historians across the world.Rebekah Bryer and Thomas MacMillan's final chapter, on Maine governor Paul LePage's removal of the Maine Labor Mural from the state's Department of Labor building, shows what public labor history is up against when it comes into direct conflict with labor's enemies. While LePage failed both to erase Maine's labor history and to establish Maine as a right-to-work state, the overall takeaway is clear. Capital knows the dangers of labor history, and its agents will do whatever it takes to marginalize, co-opt, and, in the last instance, erase it.Where Are the Workers? has no conclusion, an editorial decision that is equally sensible and provocative. Such a summary would likely put far too neat a bow on this wide-ranging collection. At the same time, the very urgency of these essays leaves us asking for more. “Place-based public labor history,” as Where Are the Workers? shows, is alive and well, challenging and correcting dominant narratives in innumerable locales across the nation. What, then, is the next step? As we hope, and organize, for the militant uprisings of the last few years to coalesce into a larger resurgence of the US labor movement, we must also imagine how these specific efforts might be combined into a new national narrative that puts working people and their struggles front and center. Where Are the Workers? is a step in this direction; what follows depends on the work, and collective action, of all those who practice labor history in public.
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工人在哪里?劳工在博物馆和历史遗址的故事
在阿肯色州的Tyronza小镇上,南方佃农博物馆就坐落在那里,佃农和土地所有者的后代组成了博物馆必须吸引的“公众”。因此,博物馆里的书面标签避免了提到残酷的房东——他们的驱逐促使了南方佃农联盟的成立——尽管解说导游可以自由地与他们的旅游团讨论细节(这种做法当然需要很多当地的知识,确切地说,是谁来了博物馆,带着什么期望)。关于帕特森、新泽西州和德克萨斯州城市的章节都询问了公共历史、城市重建和当今城市工人阶级居民之间的关系。在帕特森,正如Kristin O’brassill - kulfan所观察到的那样,公共劳工历史学家必须努力确保“文化主导的重建”和保护服务于帕特森今天的劳动人民,而不是为少数特权阶层提供收入(187)。在德克萨斯州的城市,Rob linn<s:1>敦促公共历史学家庆祝拉丁壁画和街道纪念碑存在的“不断变化的状态”,尽管他警告说,中产阶级化和社区变化是经常发生的危险(204)。中产阶级化和城市重建的问题出现在《工人在哪里?》但它们是世界各地公共劳工历史学家关注的中心问题。Rebekah Bryer和Thomas MacMillan的最后一章是关于缅因州州长Paul LePage从该州劳工部大楼移除缅因州劳工壁画的,这表明当公共劳工历史与劳工的敌人发生直接冲突时,它面临着什么样的挑战。虽然勒佩奇没能抹去缅因州的劳工历史,也没能将缅因州确立为一个有工作权的州,但总体上的收获是显而易见的。资本知道劳工历史的危险,它的代理人会尽一切努力边缘化、拉拢,并在最后的情况下抹去它。工人在哪里?没有结论,一个同样明智和具有挑衅性的编辑决定。这样的总结可能会给这个内容广泛的系列画上一个过于简洁的句号。与此同时,这些文章的紧迫性让我们要求更多。“基于地点的公共劳工史”,如工人在哪里?在全国无数地方挑战和纠正主流叙事。那么,下一步是什么呢?当我们希望并组织过去几年的激进起义合并成美国劳工运动的更大复兴时,我们也必须想象如何将这些具体的努力结合成一种新的国家叙事,将劳动人民和他们的斗争放在前沿和中心。工人在哪里?是朝这个方向迈出的一步;接下来的事情取决于所有公开研究劳工史的人的工作和集体行动。
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