John Selden: Soldier, Statesman, Advocate for Milton's MuseBy JasonRosenblatt, Oxford: Oxford UP, 2021. viii +264 pp. $90.00 (cloth). ISBN 13: 9780192842923

IF 0.4 3区 文学 0 POETRY MILTON QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI:10.1111/milt.12444
David Norbrook
{"title":"John Selden: Soldier, Statesman, Advocate for Milton's MuseBy JasonRosenblatt, Oxford: Oxford <scp>UP</scp>, 2021. viii +264 pp. $90.00 (cloth). <scp>ISBN</scp> 13: 9780192842923","authors":"David Norbrook","doi":"10.1111/milt.12444","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Milton's admiration for John Selden has long been known, but the great scholar's specialized historical and linguistic interests, laid out in rebarbative prose in long Latin texts, are a substantial deterrent to grasping the relations between the two writers. Jason Rosenblatt began this task in his pioneering Torah and Law in Paradise Lost (1994) and in John Selden: Renaissance England's Chief Rabbi (2006). His latest book brings new breadth and depth to the comparison, drawing on some earlier materials but making use of the latest scholarship, including G. W. Toomer's magisterial study of Selden and Chad van Dixhoorn's edition of the Westminster Assembly debates. Rather than adopting the stance of a gatekeeper worried that the profane may not be able to understand the master, Rosenblatt treats Selden with a warmth and enthusiasm that does not preclude some irreverence: those long recapitulations of views can “try a reader's patience, even if they didn't try Selden's” (52), and may make it hard to work out what his own views are. By deploying the particular skills and interests of a literary critic, Rosenblatt engages his readers in the process of exploration. His Introduction outlines the core element of Selden's debt to rabbinical thought: the claim that God gave to Adam—and to all humans regardless of creed—five prohibitive laws and a positive commandment to establish civil laws, with a sixth prohibition, against eating part of a living animal, added after Noah's flood. These laws, based on an arbitrary divine commandment, were to be distinguished from natural law, perceived universally by reason, but they were general enough not to make great demands on religious belief, and were open to local variation. Selden relished exploring the huge variety of laws in different polities and ages, notably on sexuality and abortion. Though he was no cultural relativist, he was aware that his deep interest in both Judaic and other non-Christian laws, and his skepticism about the afterlife, laid him open to orthodox criticism. Though he declared that Christianity was a reformed Judaism, it was not always clear why he thought it needed reform, and he devoted a lot of attention to conversion to Judaism from Christianity. He tended to leave his more controversial views to be reconstructed by the reader, as in the conclusion of his Preface to the De Jure Naturali and Gentium, Juxta Disciplinam Ebraeorum, where he calls for readers who are ready “to venture out, like explorers, beyond their own borders” (20): the tone, as Rosenblatt puts it, is “at once defensive, ironic, challenging, and misleadingly orthodox” (20). Again and again he goes beyond what are normally considered the intellectual horizons of his time. The shifts of tone are more readily apparent in the pithy comments of his Table Talk, which at first sight seem the antithesis of his sprawling major treatises—and whose irreverence on many different topics made it unpublishable in his own time—but as Rosenblatt shows, there is rhetorical complexity in the former, while the latter has deep and often obscure roots in those treatises. In his first chapter, Rosenblatt returns to an argument he has made before, that Milton's shift from the Pauline dualism of his anti-episcopal tracts to a more sympathetic view of the Law in the divorce tracts was partly motivated by his reading of Selden's De Jure. In this sense, Selden provided “a model for a poet / polemicist's analogical imagination” (51). This very rich chapter does not flatten differences between the two men's modes of writing, however, insightfully setting them against the thematic parallels. Selden, after all, had no ear for poetry, and in his prose “there isn't a single sentence whose repetition can give pleasure” (78). Yet he did evolve an “À propos style” (57) in which topics succeed each other through analogical links, making possible a kind of non-hierarchical aesthetic that gives a fair hearing to widely diverse sources—for example, in what Rosenblatt later terms the “dizzying arabesques of anti-trinitarian speculation” (188). He finds a parallel in Milton's juxtaposition of pagan, Jewish, and Christian authorities in the regicide tracts and Paradise Lost, and he offers a striking analysis of “Methought I saw my late espoused saint” as opening up divergent perspectives within a strict form. He highlights the writers' differences through analyzing their uses of the analogy of the telescope. For Selden it becomes an exemplar of the collaborative progress of natural philosophy and historical scholarship, while for Milton, fiercely independent and suspicious of arguments derived from others, it may be the source of error and departure from scriptural truth. And yet Rosenblatt also warns against schematizing such differences: Selden can be opposed as the disinterested scholar to Milton the polemicist, but he had very definite, if sometimes covert, agendas in many of his writings, while Milton's love of scholarship went well beyond particular occasions. In his second chapter, Rosenblatt focuses on their responses to the Bible, though here the comparison is less close, with the Milton portion already having been separately published. Rosenblatt begins some detailed case studies of Selden's modes of reading with Paul's reference to the Israelites' crossing of the Red Sea (1 Cor. 10.1-2), normally taken by Christians as a justification for baptism, but understood by Selden in an “aggressively anti-typological” (94) mode, stressing that he writes as a historian, not as a theologian. Rosenblatt further addresses Selden's readings of Christ's rebuke to the Pharisees (Mark 7.9-12), his expulsion of the moneylenders (John 2.13-17), and his trial, before considering Selden's treatment of incest and the Sabbath. Selden delves deep into Jewish scholarship to show that the rabbis, conventionally seen by Christians as harsh and punitive, repeatedly offered a humane interpretation of the “sometimes brutal letter of the law” (97). In discussing the trial of Jesus, while not going so far as to justify his punishment, Selden stresses various ways in which he could have been considered a law-breaker and cites anti-Christian passages at length. After the often abstruse discussions with which Selden engages, however carefully explicated by Rosenblatt, Miltonists may find it a relief to turn to the second part of this chapter, on Milton's Psalm translations and his rewriting of the Bible in Book 7 of Paradise Lost. The detailed explication of Milton's uses of Hebrew terms in his glosses accords better with the book as a whole than the engagement with Harold Bloom on Paradise Lost, which feels out of place, but Rosenblatt writes wonderfully on the poetry, as in his observation that “Silence, ye troubl'd waves, and thou Deep, peace” (7.216) demonstrates technical mastery with the pause after “Deep.” The comparison is more integrated in the third chapter on family law, and here Rosenblatt proposes that there may have been mutual influence between Selden and Milton. In De Jure, Selden presents marriage under the Noachide law as “a completely unfettered relationship” (141), based on mutual consent for sexual relations, and dissoluble by either party. Rosenblatt argues that these “minimalist universal laws of family relations” (142) accord with Selden's own open union with the Countess of Kent. Selden's analysis showed that Jewish law was not as restrictive as Christians often argued; notably, it made divorce easy—for men. In Uxor Ebraica (1646), he challenges conventional readings of Christ's rejection of divorce (Matt. 5.31-32) as a rejection of the Jewish law, arguing that his position was in fact that of one rabbinical school, which allowed divorce in cases of porneia (translated in the King James Bible as “fornication” but in fact a wide term not confined to sexual transgressions). Rosenblatt points out that Selden refrains from drawing out the larger implications of his argument, mentioning only in passing that the current laws of divorce have remained unchanged since the Reformation—and, he implies, need reformation. By then, Milton had passionately argued the case for divorce reforms, and Rosenblatt points out that Selden owned two of Milton's divorce tracts, where he too had discussed terms for “fornication” with reference to rabbinical writings; perhaps, “though Milton would never have dared to imagine it” (152), he influenced Selden. Whether or not this was the case, Rosenblatt's extended exploration of the two writers' positions is very illuminating, and he goes on to explore imagistic connections that link their writings on divorce with Paradise Lost. Though less of a polemicist than Milton, Selden was a member both of Parliament and of the Westminster Assembly, and the final two chapters explore the complex relations between Assembly debates and the much more extended discussions of excommunication in De Synedriis et Praefectis Juridicis Veterum Ebraeorum (1650-55), an exposition of the Noachite requirement to establish courts. Rosenblatt is able to draw on Chad van Dixhoorn's edition of the Westminster Assembly debates, but the two manuscript witnesses give very incomplete accounts of Selden's speeches, and a major contribution of this part of the book is Rosenblatt's expert filling out of those notes with reference to De Jure, De Synedriis, Table Talk, and other works. Here we have a remarkable example of a direct encounter between scholarship and public engagement. Though in general Selden was not an effective speaker, Rosenblatt takes one example from early in the Assembly's formation, when on behalf of the Commons Selden asked it to define heresy, a tactical measure that far from advancing clerical persecution served to divide its members. In a series of speeches Selden “proffers the Talmud and its expositors as reliable interpreters of scripture and the best model for Christians in order to move beyond their factional problems” (204). He deploys all his philological skill to undermine Presbyterian claims for the church's power of excommunication, setting out his core methodological principle: “Come as neare as possibly to the text in the age when it was made”(211)—a principle he elsewhere called “Synchronisme.” On that principle, proof-texts the Presbyterians used to defend their power of excommunication could be seen not to refer to separate ecclesiastical bodies but to bodies with secular elements and ultimately accountable to the Great Sanhedrin, comparable to the English Parliament. Particularly striking are the exchanges between Selden and George Gillespie, celebrated in Presbyterian legend as having vanquished his adversary. On one level, they were arguing past each other, for Gillespie read not historically but typologically; but Rosenblatt shows that both on the floor and in later printed works he distorted Selden's arguments, even while having the effrontery to claim him as an authority. Their attacks, Rosenblatt argues, were not only anti-Catholic but anti-Semitic. It is fascinating to see the raw confrontations of the Assembly metamorphosing themselves into the hugely elaborated chapters of De Synedriis, where Selden could address the issues at leisure. Remarkably, while Selden footnotes Gillespie and his ally Samuel Rutherford, he does so in a detached, scholarly way, without drawing attention to their misreadings. Rosenblatt suggests that Selden's normal courtesy toward adversaries reflects his deep knowledge of the Talmud, where opposing arguments were always reported. A further rationale for holding back from either personal attacks or aligning oneself with particular intellectual heroes was Selden's deep conviction that progress in knowledge was cumulative and collaborative. Hence he disliked the labels of “Erastian” as applied to himself, or of “Colemanite” as applied to his supporter Thomas Coleman, not at all because he did not admire them—in De Synedriis he rhapsodizes over a beautiful copy of Erastus's book on excommunication—but because intellectual life went beyond individuals. And he made a striking analogy: the thesis that the earth revolved round the sun was not just “Copernican,” because it had been anticipated by the ancients and refined by many other scientists and mathematicians, Galileo included. This collaborative model went with a “culture of sharing” (179): Selden was intellectually as well as personally very generous. In this last part of the book, Milton makes only a brief though telling appearance. Areopagitica had voiced his excitement at the new discoveries of England's thinkers, but by 1646 he was smarting from attacks by the Presbyterians. Rosenblatt makes what as far as I know are the new suggestions that Milton's “Scotch what-d'ye call” is Gillespie, and that his deletion of a gibe at Prynne may have been motivated by that choleric scholar's having come under attack from Gillespie and Rutherford in the excommunication debates. Rosenblatt tries to find further allusions in Milton's poetry to the issue, but acknowledges that this is tentative speculation. In his Conclusion, Rosenblatt asks why Selden's often highly critical view of the Christian clergy—expressed in reductive analogies in Table Talk—did not extend to the rabbis. The answer is that he feels an affinity with them as people who based their authority on legal expertise as well as mastery of the scriptures and tradition; “the law is his Torah” (233). Returning to Milton's particular affinity with Selden in the mid-1640s, Rosenblatt argues that the middle books of Paradise Lost are closer to his views of that period than the typological vision of the last books. Moreover, even Christian Doctrine, for all its Pauline elements, has passages which seem to reflect his views of the 1640s, particularly the chapter on the world before the Fall; Selden helps us to “break free, even if only provisionally, from the Pauline paradigm that governs the interpretation of Milton's work” (249). Selden has been a daunting presence for many; Rosenblatt's guide through his most taxing works manages to make them exciting and pertinent. The book is an act of the scholarly generosity he praises in Selden. Rosenblatt brings his concerns alive, showing him as someone in some ways ahead of his time although, or because, he had such a deep historical sense. There is a sense that the Miltonic ground has been covered more often, but Rosenblatt still has many fresh things to say about the poetry and prose by opening up the possible tensions between Pauline elements in his thought and countervailing forces. This inspiring book will generate much further exploration.","PeriodicalId":42742,"journal":{"name":"MILTON QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"MILTON QUARTERLY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1111/milt.12444","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"POETRY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Milton's admiration for John Selden has long been known, but the great scholar's specialized historical and linguistic interests, laid out in rebarbative prose in long Latin texts, are a substantial deterrent to grasping the relations between the two writers. Jason Rosenblatt began this task in his pioneering Torah and Law in Paradise Lost (1994) and in John Selden: Renaissance England's Chief Rabbi (2006). His latest book brings new breadth and depth to the comparison, drawing on some earlier materials but making use of the latest scholarship, including G. W. Toomer's magisterial study of Selden and Chad van Dixhoorn's edition of the Westminster Assembly debates. Rather than adopting the stance of a gatekeeper worried that the profane may not be able to understand the master, Rosenblatt treats Selden with a warmth and enthusiasm that does not preclude some irreverence: those long recapitulations of views can “try a reader's patience, even if they didn't try Selden's” (52), and may make it hard to work out what his own views are. By deploying the particular skills and interests of a literary critic, Rosenblatt engages his readers in the process of exploration. His Introduction outlines the core element of Selden's debt to rabbinical thought: the claim that God gave to Adam—and to all humans regardless of creed—five prohibitive laws and a positive commandment to establish civil laws, with a sixth prohibition, against eating part of a living animal, added after Noah's flood. These laws, based on an arbitrary divine commandment, were to be distinguished from natural law, perceived universally by reason, but they were general enough not to make great demands on religious belief, and were open to local variation. Selden relished exploring the huge variety of laws in different polities and ages, notably on sexuality and abortion. Though he was no cultural relativist, he was aware that his deep interest in both Judaic and other non-Christian laws, and his skepticism about the afterlife, laid him open to orthodox criticism. Though he declared that Christianity was a reformed Judaism, it was not always clear why he thought it needed reform, and he devoted a lot of attention to conversion to Judaism from Christianity. He tended to leave his more controversial views to be reconstructed by the reader, as in the conclusion of his Preface to the De Jure Naturali and Gentium, Juxta Disciplinam Ebraeorum, where he calls for readers who are ready “to venture out, like explorers, beyond their own borders” (20): the tone, as Rosenblatt puts it, is “at once defensive, ironic, challenging, and misleadingly orthodox” (20). Again and again he goes beyond what are normally considered the intellectual horizons of his time. The shifts of tone are more readily apparent in the pithy comments of his Table Talk, which at first sight seem the antithesis of his sprawling major treatises—and whose irreverence on many different topics made it unpublishable in his own time—but as Rosenblatt shows, there is rhetorical complexity in the former, while the latter has deep and often obscure roots in those treatises. In his first chapter, Rosenblatt returns to an argument he has made before, that Milton's shift from the Pauline dualism of his anti-episcopal tracts to a more sympathetic view of the Law in the divorce tracts was partly motivated by his reading of Selden's De Jure. In this sense, Selden provided “a model for a poet / polemicist's analogical imagination” (51). This very rich chapter does not flatten differences between the two men's modes of writing, however, insightfully setting them against the thematic parallels. Selden, after all, had no ear for poetry, and in his prose “there isn't a single sentence whose repetition can give pleasure” (78). Yet he did evolve an “À propos style” (57) in which topics succeed each other through analogical links, making possible a kind of non-hierarchical aesthetic that gives a fair hearing to widely diverse sources—for example, in what Rosenblatt later terms the “dizzying arabesques of anti-trinitarian speculation” (188). He finds a parallel in Milton's juxtaposition of pagan, Jewish, and Christian authorities in the regicide tracts and Paradise Lost, and he offers a striking analysis of “Methought I saw my late espoused saint” as opening up divergent perspectives within a strict form. He highlights the writers' differences through analyzing their uses of the analogy of the telescope. For Selden it becomes an exemplar of the collaborative progress of natural philosophy and historical scholarship, while for Milton, fiercely independent and suspicious of arguments derived from others, it may be the source of error and departure from scriptural truth. And yet Rosenblatt also warns against schematizing such differences: Selden can be opposed as the disinterested scholar to Milton the polemicist, but he had very definite, if sometimes covert, agendas in many of his writings, while Milton's love of scholarship went well beyond particular occasions. In his second chapter, Rosenblatt focuses on their responses to the Bible, though here the comparison is less close, with the Milton portion already having been separately published. Rosenblatt begins some detailed case studies of Selden's modes of reading with Paul's reference to the Israelites' crossing of the Red Sea (1 Cor. 10.1-2), normally taken by Christians as a justification for baptism, but understood by Selden in an “aggressively anti-typological” (94) mode, stressing that he writes as a historian, not as a theologian. Rosenblatt further addresses Selden's readings of Christ's rebuke to the Pharisees (Mark 7.9-12), his expulsion of the moneylenders (John 2.13-17), and his trial, before considering Selden's treatment of incest and the Sabbath. Selden delves deep into Jewish scholarship to show that the rabbis, conventionally seen by Christians as harsh and punitive, repeatedly offered a humane interpretation of the “sometimes brutal letter of the law” (97). In discussing the trial of Jesus, while not going so far as to justify his punishment, Selden stresses various ways in which he could have been considered a law-breaker and cites anti-Christian passages at length. After the often abstruse discussions with which Selden engages, however carefully explicated by Rosenblatt, Miltonists may find it a relief to turn to the second part of this chapter, on Milton's Psalm translations and his rewriting of the Bible in Book 7 of Paradise Lost. The detailed explication of Milton's uses of Hebrew terms in his glosses accords better with the book as a whole than the engagement with Harold Bloom on Paradise Lost, which feels out of place, but Rosenblatt writes wonderfully on the poetry, as in his observation that “Silence, ye troubl'd waves, and thou Deep, peace” (7.216) demonstrates technical mastery with the pause after “Deep.” The comparison is more integrated in the third chapter on family law, and here Rosenblatt proposes that there may have been mutual influence between Selden and Milton. In De Jure, Selden presents marriage under the Noachide law as “a completely unfettered relationship” (141), based on mutual consent for sexual relations, and dissoluble by either party. Rosenblatt argues that these “minimalist universal laws of family relations” (142) accord with Selden's own open union with the Countess of Kent. Selden's analysis showed that Jewish law was not as restrictive as Christians often argued; notably, it made divorce easy—for men. In Uxor Ebraica (1646), he challenges conventional readings of Christ's rejection of divorce (Matt. 5.31-32) as a rejection of the Jewish law, arguing that his position was in fact that of one rabbinical school, which allowed divorce in cases of porneia (translated in the King James Bible as “fornication” but in fact a wide term not confined to sexual transgressions). Rosenblatt points out that Selden refrains from drawing out the larger implications of his argument, mentioning only in passing that the current laws of divorce have remained unchanged since the Reformation—and, he implies, need reformation. By then, Milton had passionately argued the case for divorce reforms, and Rosenblatt points out that Selden owned two of Milton's divorce tracts, where he too had discussed terms for “fornication” with reference to rabbinical writings; perhaps, “though Milton would never have dared to imagine it” (152), he influenced Selden. Whether or not this was the case, Rosenblatt's extended exploration of the two writers' positions is very illuminating, and he goes on to explore imagistic connections that link their writings on divorce with Paradise Lost. Though less of a polemicist than Milton, Selden was a member both of Parliament and of the Westminster Assembly, and the final two chapters explore the complex relations between Assembly debates and the much more extended discussions of excommunication in De Synedriis et Praefectis Juridicis Veterum Ebraeorum (1650-55), an exposition of the Noachite requirement to establish courts. Rosenblatt is able to draw on Chad van Dixhoorn's edition of the Westminster Assembly debates, but the two manuscript witnesses give very incomplete accounts of Selden's speeches, and a major contribution of this part of the book is Rosenblatt's expert filling out of those notes with reference to De Jure, De Synedriis, Table Talk, and other works. Here we have a remarkable example of a direct encounter between scholarship and public engagement. Though in general Selden was not an effective speaker, Rosenblatt takes one example from early in the Assembly's formation, when on behalf of the Commons Selden asked it to define heresy, a tactical measure that far from advancing clerical persecution served to divide its members. In a series of speeches Selden “proffers the Talmud and its expositors as reliable interpreters of scripture and the best model for Christians in order to move beyond their factional problems” (204). He deploys all his philological skill to undermine Presbyterian claims for the church's power of excommunication, setting out his core methodological principle: “Come as neare as possibly to the text in the age when it was made”(211)—a principle he elsewhere called “Synchronisme.” On that principle, proof-texts the Presbyterians used to defend their power of excommunication could be seen not to refer to separate ecclesiastical bodies but to bodies with secular elements and ultimately accountable to the Great Sanhedrin, comparable to the English Parliament. Particularly striking are the exchanges between Selden and George Gillespie, celebrated in Presbyterian legend as having vanquished his adversary. On one level, they were arguing past each other, for Gillespie read not historically but typologically; but Rosenblatt shows that both on the floor and in later printed works he distorted Selden's arguments, even while having the effrontery to claim him as an authority. Their attacks, Rosenblatt argues, were not only anti-Catholic but anti-Semitic. It is fascinating to see the raw confrontations of the Assembly metamorphosing themselves into the hugely elaborated chapters of De Synedriis, where Selden could address the issues at leisure. Remarkably, while Selden footnotes Gillespie and his ally Samuel Rutherford, he does so in a detached, scholarly way, without drawing attention to their misreadings. Rosenblatt suggests that Selden's normal courtesy toward adversaries reflects his deep knowledge of the Talmud, where opposing arguments were always reported. A further rationale for holding back from either personal attacks or aligning oneself with particular intellectual heroes was Selden's deep conviction that progress in knowledge was cumulative and collaborative. Hence he disliked the labels of “Erastian” as applied to himself, or of “Colemanite” as applied to his supporter Thomas Coleman, not at all because he did not admire them—in De Synedriis he rhapsodizes over a beautiful copy of Erastus's book on excommunication—but because intellectual life went beyond individuals. And he made a striking analogy: the thesis that the earth revolved round the sun was not just “Copernican,” because it had been anticipated by the ancients and refined by many other scientists and mathematicians, Galileo included. This collaborative model went with a “culture of sharing” (179): Selden was intellectually as well as personally very generous. In this last part of the book, Milton makes only a brief though telling appearance. Areopagitica had voiced his excitement at the new discoveries of England's thinkers, but by 1646 he was smarting from attacks by the Presbyterians. Rosenblatt makes what as far as I know are the new suggestions that Milton's “Scotch what-d'ye call” is Gillespie, and that his deletion of a gibe at Prynne may have been motivated by that choleric scholar's having come under attack from Gillespie and Rutherford in the excommunication debates. Rosenblatt tries to find further allusions in Milton's poetry to the issue, but acknowledges that this is tentative speculation. In his Conclusion, Rosenblatt asks why Selden's often highly critical view of the Christian clergy—expressed in reductive analogies in Table Talk—did not extend to the rabbis. The answer is that he feels an affinity with them as people who based their authority on legal expertise as well as mastery of the scriptures and tradition; “the law is his Torah” (233). Returning to Milton's particular affinity with Selden in the mid-1640s, Rosenblatt argues that the middle books of Paradise Lost are closer to his views of that period than the typological vision of the last books. Moreover, even Christian Doctrine, for all its Pauline elements, has passages which seem to reflect his views of the 1640s, particularly the chapter on the world before the Fall; Selden helps us to “break free, even if only provisionally, from the Pauline paradigm that governs the interpretation of Milton's work” (249). Selden has been a daunting presence for many; Rosenblatt's guide through his most taxing works manages to make them exciting and pertinent. The book is an act of the scholarly generosity he praises in Selden. Rosenblatt brings his concerns alive, showing him as someone in some ways ahead of his time although, or because, he had such a deep historical sense. There is a sense that the Miltonic ground has been covered more often, but Rosenblatt still has many fresh things to say about the poetry and prose by opening up the possible tensions between Pauline elements in his thought and countervailing forces. This inspiring book will generate much further exploration.
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
约翰·塞尔登:士兵、政治家、弥尔顿博物馆的倡导者,杰森·罗森布拉特著,牛津:牛津出版社,2021年。Viii +264页。$90.00(布)。Isbn 13: 9780192842923
弥尔顿对约翰·塞尔登的崇拜早已为人所知,但这位伟大的学者对历史和语言学的专业兴趣,在冗长的拉丁语文本中以令人厌恶的散文展现出来,这对把握这两位作家之间的关系构成了实质性的阻碍。杰森·罗森布拉特在他的《失乐园》(1994)和《约翰·塞尔登:文艺复兴时期英格兰的首席拉比》(2006)中开创了律法和律法的先河。他的新书为这一比较带来了新的广度和深度,借鉴了一些早期的材料,但利用了最新的学术成果,包括g·w·图默对塞尔登的权威研究和查德·范·迪克斯霍恩对威斯敏斯特议会辩论的版本。Rosenblatt没有采取守门人的立场,担心亵渎者可能无法理解大师,而是以一种温暖和热情对待塞尔登,但不排除一些不敬:那些冗长的观点重述可能“考验读者的耐心,即使他们没有尝试塞尔登的”(52),并且可能使读者很难弄清楚他自己的观点是什么。通过运用文学评论家的特殊技巧和兴趣,罗森布拉特让读者参与到探索的过程中。他的引言概述了塞尔登对拉比思想贡献的核心要素:他声称上帝给了亚当——以及所有不顾信仰的人类——五条禁止的律法和一条积极的诫命来建立民事法律,第六条禁止吃活动物的一部分,这是在诺亚洪水之后添加的。这些法则是建立在神的任意命令的基础上的,应该与自然法则区别开来,为理性所普遍理解,但它们足够普遍,对宗教信仰没有太大的要求,并且可以在地方上进行变化。塞尔登喜欢探索不同政治和时代的各种各样的法律,尤其是关于性和堕胎的法律。虽然他不是文化相对主义者,但他意识到,他对犹太教和其他非基督教律法的浓厚兴趣,以及他对来世的怀疑,使他容易受到正统的批评。虽然他宣称基督教是一种改革后的犹太教,但他并不总是清楚为什么他认为它需要改革,他花了很多精力从基督教转向犹太教。他倾向于把他那些更有争议的观点留给读者去重新构造,就像他在《自然律和Gentium》前言的结语中所说的那样,他呼吁那些准备好“像探险家一样,走出自己的边界”的读者(20):正如罗森布拉特所说的那样,这种语气“立刻是防御性的、讽刺的、挑战性的、误导性的正统的”(20)。他一次又一次地超越了他那个时代通常被认为是知识分子的视野。在他的《餐桌谈话》的精辟评论中,语气的转变更为明显,乍一看,这似乎是他庞大的主要论文的对立面,而且他对许多不同主题的不敬使得他在自己的时代无法发表。但正如罗森布拉特所表明的,前者有修辞的复杂性,而后者在那些论文中有着深刻而模糊的根源。在他的第一章中,罗森布拉特回到了他之前的论点,弥尔顿从保罗式的二元论,他反主教的小册子,转变为离婚小册子中对法律的更同情的观点,部分原因是他阅读了塞尔登的《法律》。在这个意义上,塞尔登提供了“一个诗人/辩论家的类比想象的模型”(51)。这一非常丰富的章节并没有淡化两人写作方式的差异,而是将他们与主题上的相似之处进行了深刻的对比。毕竟塞尔登对诗歌毫无鉴赏力,在他的散文中“没有一句重复的句子能给人带来愉悦”(78)。然而,他确实发展了一种“À提案风格”(57),在这种风格中,主题通过类比联系相互接替,使一种非等级美学成为可能,这种美学给广泛不同的来源提供了公平的倾听——例如,在Rosenblatt后来所说的“反三位一体思辨的令人眼花缭乱的阿拉伯风格”(188)。他在弥尔顿关于弑君的小册子和《失乐园》中,将异教,犹太教和基督教权威并列在一起,找到了相似之处,他对“我认为我看到了我已故的圣徒”进行了惊人的分析,在严格的形式下,开辟了不同的观点。他通过分析两位作家对望远镜类比的使用,突出了他们之间的差异。对于塞尔登来说,它成为自然哲学和历史学术合作进步的典范,而对于弥尔顿来说,他非常独立,对来自他人的论点持怀疑态度,这可能是错误和偏离圣经真理的根源。 然而Rosenblatt也警告不要将这种差异简单化:塞尔登可以被认为是无私的学者,而弥尔顿则是善辩者,但他在许多作品中都有非常明确的,即使有时是隐蔽的,目的,而弥尔顿对学术的热爱远远超出了特定的场合。在他的第二章中,Rosenblatt关注的是他们对圣经的回应,尽管这里的比较没有那么接近,因为弥尔顿的部分已经单独出版了。罗森布拉特开始对塞尔登的阅读模式进行了一些详细的案例研究,保罗提到以色列人渡过红海(林前10:1 -2),通常被基督徒视为洗礼的理由,但被塞尔登理解为“激进的反类型”(94)模式,强调他是作为历史学家而不是作为神学家来写作的。在考虑塞尔登对乱伦和安息日的处理之前,罗森布拉特进一步阐述了塞尔登对基督对法利赛人的斥责(马可福音7.9-12),他对放债人的驱逐(约翰福音2.13-17),以及他的审判的解读。塞尔登深入研究了犹太学术,表明拉比,传统上被基督徒视为严厉和惩罚性的,一再提供人道的解释,“有时残酷的法律条文”(97)。在讨论对耶稣的审判时,塞尔登虽然没有为他的惩罚辩护,但他强调了他可能被视为违法者的各种方式,并详细引用了反基督教的段落。在塞尔登进行的经常深奥的讨论之后,无论罗森布拉特如何仔细地解释,弥尔顿主义者可能会发现这一章的第二部分是一种解脱,关于弥尔顿的诗篇翻译和他在失乐园第7卷中对圣经的重写。弥尔顿在他的注释中对希伯来语术语的详细解释比哈罗德·布鲁姆在《失乐园》中的描述更符合整本书,后者让人感觉格格不入,但罗森布拉特在诗歌上写得很好,就像他观察到的那样:“沉默吧,波涛汹涌,你深沉,和平”(7.216)在“深沉”之后的停顿显示了他对技术的精通。这个比较在第三章家庭法中更加完整,Rosenblatt在这里提出塞尔登和弥尔顿之间可能有相互影响。在De Jure中,Selden将Noachide法律下的婚姻描述为“一种完全不受约束的关系”(141),基于双方同意的性关系,任何一方都可以解除。Rosenblatt认为,这些“家庭关系的极简普遍法则”(142)与塞尔登自己与肯特伯爵夫人的公开结合是一致的。塞尔登的分析表明,犹太律法并不像基督徒经常争辩的那样严格;值得注意的是,它让男性更容易离婚。在Uxor Ebraica(1646)中,他挑战了传统的解读,即基督拒绝离婚(马太福音5.31-32)是对犹太律法的拒绝,认为他的立场实际上是一个拉比学派的立场,该学派允许在porneia(在国王詹姆斯圣经中翻译为“淫乱”,但实际上是一个广泛的术语,不限于性犯罪)的情况下离婚。Rosenblatt指出Selden并没有提出他的论点的更大的含义,只是顺便提到了现行的离婚法律自宗教改革以来一直没有改变,他暗示需要改革。到那时,弥尔顿已经热情地为离婚改革辩护,罗森布拉特指出,塞尔登拥有两本弥尔顿的离婚小册子,他也在那里讨论了“通奸”的术语,参考了拉比著作;也许,“虽然弥尔顿从来不敢想象”(152),他影响了塞尔登。不管事实是否如此,Rosenblatt对两位作家立场的深入探讨非常有启发性,他继续探索了他们关于离婚的作品与《失乐园》之间的意象联系。塞尔登虽然不像弥尔顿那么爱辩,但他同时是议会和威斯敏斯特议会的成员,最后两章探讨了议会辩论和《论神学与司法实践》(1650-55)中更广泛的关于逐出教会的讨论之间的复杂关系,《论神学与司法实践》阐述了诺阿契派建立法庭的要求。Rosenblatt能够利用Chad van Dixhoorn版本的威斯敏斯特议会辩论,但两个手稿证人对塞尔登的演讲给出了非常不完整的描述,这本书的这一部分的主要贡献是Rosenblatt的专家填写了那些参考De Jure, De Synedriis, Table Talk和其他作品的笔记。在这里,我们有一个杰出的例子,说明学术与公众参与之间的直接接触。 尽管总体而言塞尔登并不是一个有效的发言人,罗森布拉特举了一个例子,那是在议会成立之初,当时塞尔登代表下议院要求议会定义异端,这是一种战术措施,远非促进神职迫害,而是分裂其成员。在一系列的演讲中,塞尔登“将《塔木德》及其阐释者作为可靠的圣经诠释者,并将其作为基督徒超越派系问题的最佳典范”(204)。他运用他所有的语言学技巧来削弱长老会对教会被逐出教会的权力的主张,并提出了他的核心方法论原则:“尽可能地接近当时的文本”(211)——他在其他地方称之为“同步主义”的原则。根据这一原则,长老会用来捍卫其逐出教会权力的证明文本,不是指单独的教会机构,而是指具有世俗元素的机构,最终对大公会负责,类似于英国议会。尤其引人注目的是塞尔登和乔治·吉莱斯皮(George Gillespie)之间的交锋,后者在长老会的传说中以击败对手而闻名。在某种程度上,他们是在互相争论,因为吉莱斯皮不是按历史而是按类型学来阅读;但罗森布拉特指出,无论是在演讲中还是在后来的印刷作品中,他都歪曲了塞尔登的论点,尽管他厚颜无耻地宣称塞尔登是权威。罗森布拉特认为,他们的攻击不仅是反天主教的,而且是反犹的。看到议会的原始对抗演变成《论Synedriis》中精心制作的章节,塞尔登可以从容地解决这些问题,这是很有趣的。值得注意的是,当塞尔登为吉莱斯皮和他的盟友塞缪尔·卢瑟福做脚注时,他用了一种独立的、学术的方式,没有引起人们对他们误读的注意。罗森布拉特认为,塞尔登对对手的正常礼貌反映了他对《塔木德》的深刻了解,那里总是报道反对的观点。避免人身攻击或与特定的知识英雄结盟的另一个理由是,塞尔登坚信知识的进步是累积和协作的。因此,他不喜欢把“伊拉斯派”的标签贴在自己身上,也不喜欢把“科勒曼派”的标签贴在他的支持者托马斯·科尔曼身上,这完全不是因为他不欣赏这些标签——在《德·西尼德里斯》一书中,他对一本伊拉斯图斯关于被逐出教会的书的精美副本充满热情——而是因为智力生活超越了个人。他做了一个惊人的类比:地球绕着太阳转的论点不仅仅是“哥白尼式的”,因为它已经被古人预测到,并被包括伽利略在内的许多其他科学家和数学家加以完善。这种合作模式伴随着一种“分享文化”(179):塞尔登在智力上和个人方面都非常慷慨。在书的最后一部分,弥尔顿只做了一个简短而生动的露面。《论出版自由》曾对英国思想家的新发现表示兴奋,但到了1646年,他开始受到长老会教徒的攻击。据我所知,Rosenblatt提出了一个新的建议,弥尔顿的“苏格兰,你叫什么就叫什么”是吉莱斯皮,他删掉了对白兰的嘲讽,可能是因为这位暴躁的学者在逐出教会的辩论中受到了吉莱斯皮和卢瑟福的攻击。Rosenblatt试图在弥尔顿的诗歌中找到更多关于这个问题的暗示,但他承认这只是初步的推测。在他的结语中,Rosenblatt问为什么塞尔登对基督教牧师的高度批判的观点——在《餐桌谈话》中以简化的类比表达出来——没有延伸到拉比身上。答案是,他对他们有一种亲近感,因为他们的权威是建立在法律专业知识以及对经文和传统的掌握之上的;“律法是他的律法”(233)。回到弥尔顿与塞尔登在17世纪40年代中期的亲密关系上,罗森布拉特认为,《失乐园》的中间几卷,比最后几卷的类型化观点,更接近弥尔顿对那个时期的看法。此外,即使是基督教教义,尽管有保罗的元素,也有段落似乎反映了他对1640年代的看法,尤其是关于堕落前世界的那一章;塞尔登帮助我们“从支配弥尔顿作品解释的波林范式中挣脱出来,即使只是暂时的”(249)。塞尔登的存在让很多人望而生畏;罗森布拉特对他最费力的作品的指导使它们既令人兴奋又中肯。这本书体现了他在《塞尔登》中所赞扬的学者的慷慨。Rosenblatt生动地表达了他的担忧,表明他在某些方面领先于他的时代,尽管,或者因为,他有如此深刻的历史感。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
0.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: Milton Quarterly publishes in-depth articles, review essays, and shorter notes and notices about Milton"s works, career, literary surroundings, and place in cultural history. In striving to be the most reliable and up-to-date source of information about John Milton, it also furnishes reports on conferences, abstracts of recent scholarship, and book reviews by prominent scholars in the field. While its scholarly standard for submissions is high, it insists upon accessibility from all contributors.
期刊最新文献
“John Milton…Heretick…in Religion” Heteropoesis Paradise Lost: The Secular Christian Epic Paradise Regained: A Poem in Response To Milton The Non‐Necessity of the Son, or, Christianity as Charade
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1