Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė (review)

{"title":"Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.a906853","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė Senem Yildirim (bio) Neringa Klumbytė, Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2022). 287 pp., ill. Index. ISBN: 978-1-5017-6668-8. Shortest joke: \"COMMUNISM.\" Broom, 1991 Studies of authoritarianism typically focus on state power, violence, and the infringement of human rights. Neringa Klumbytė, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Miami, takes a different approach to the study of authoritarianism by examining \"the commonplace experiences of power\" through the production and consumption of the officially approved humor magazine in Soviet Lithuania – creating cartoons and satires, navigating censorship, and embracing the official culture through laughter (P. 4). Klumbytė contends that when democratic forms of political participation are lacking, the state mobilizes citizens and provides them with avenues of engagement through humor and satire. The author aims to reconstruct the process of the authoritarian regime's infiltrating of citizens' daily lives, engaging them politically, and making ideology a household item [End Page 232] on moral and emotional levels – or, alternatively, failing on these fronts. Specifically, the book studies the case of the Lithuanian satire and humor magazine Broom (Šluota) from 1956, when it was founded, to 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power as the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The author discusses how Broom, the only humor magazine in the Lithuanian language at the time, became the main outlet for state-sponsored laughter in Soviet Lithuania. The authorities considered such outlets to be disciplinary and propaganda tools at their disposal, but this was only partially so. Klumbytė masterfully shows how, along with its official role, Broom functioned as a site for contesting Sovietness and reaffirming the distinctiveness of Lithuania. This book provides a valuable contribution to studies of Soviet authoritarianism by exploring the dynamics between the authoritarian government and its citizens, the resistance to state power, and the role of state propaganda and popular participation. These topics have long been of interest to scholars studying the region. The early \"totalitarian school\" depicted the Soviet state as an institution with almost complete control over society, where citizens were portrayed as atomized individuals who were either completely brainwashed or repressed by the powerful state apparatus.1 However, in the 1970s and 1980s, revisionist scholars such as Sheila Fitzpatrick, Moshe Lewin, and Robert Thurston challenged this theory and introduced a social history approach that shed light on how the Soviet state was able to secure mass support.2 Post-revisionist scholars doubled down on this approach by asserting the existence of a distinctive Soviet subjectivity and arguing that normative Soviet values were voluntarily internalized by citizens who systematically performed Sovietness in their daily lives.3 Most of these studies dealt with the Stalinist period and tended to focus on Moscow or Leningrad. By contrast, Klumbytė's book focuses on Lithuania during the late Soviet period. While acknowledging the role of the repressive state apparatus, she also draws attention [End Page 233] to limited social, economic, and political pluralism and the relative freedoms of Soviet citizens. By choosing writers, artists, and editors of Broom who communicated state ideology to the masses as the main protagonists of her study rather than dissident intellectuals who openly opposed the Soviet state, Klumbytė has made a daring conceptual choice. She argues that \"authoritarian laughter\" was multidirectional: it was a communicative exchange among artists and audiences that was both ideologically correct and subversive. In authoritarian society, complicity did not necessitate shared beliefs, so by avoiding binaries like dissident versus accomplice, Klumbytė offers an important insight about the position of Soviet intellectuals in-between the polar stances of resistance and conformity. Previous studies of authoritarian humor have juxtaposed official and unofficial humor, focusing on laughter either as a form of resistance or a tool of propaganda.4 By contrast, Klumbytė's approach to laughter is complex and does not differentiate between its two functions. 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Abstract

Reviewed by: Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė Senem Yildirim (bio) Neringa Klumbytė, Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2022). 287 pp., ill. Index. ISBN: 978-1-5017-6668-8. Shortest joke: "COMMUNISM." Broom, 1991 Studies of authoritarianism typically focus on state power, violence, and the infringement of human rights. Neringa Klumbytė, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Miami, takes a different approach to the study of authoritarianism by examining "the commonplace experiences of power" through the production and consumption of the officially approved humor magazine in Soviet Lithuania – creating cartoons and satires, navigating censorship, and embracing the official culture through laughter (P. 4). Klumbytė contends that when democratic forms of political participation are lacking, the state mobilizes citizens and provides them with avenues of engagement through humor and satire. The author aims to reconstruct the process of the authoritarian regime's infiltrating of citizens' daily lives, engaging them politically, and making ideology a household item [End Page 232] on moral and emotional levels – or, alternatively, failing on these fronts. Specifically, the book studies the case of the Lithuanian satire and humor magazine Broom (Šluota) from 1956, when it was founded, to 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power as the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The author discusses how Broom, the only humor magazine in the Lithuanian language at the time, became the main outlet for state-sponsored laughter in Soviet Lithuania. The authorities considered such outlets to be disciplinary and propaganda tools at their disposal, but this was only partially so. Klumbytė masterfully shows how, along with its official role, Broom functioned as a site for contesting Sovietness and reaffirming the distinctiveness of Lithuania. This book provides a valuable contribution to studies of Soviet authoritarianism by exploring the dynamics between the authoritarian government and its citizens, the resistance to state power, and the role of state propaganda and popular participation. These topics have long been of interest to scholars studying the region. The early "totalitarian school" depicted the Soviet state as an institution with almost complete control over society, where citizens were portrayed as atomized individuals who were either completely brainwashed or repressed by the powerful state apparatus.1 However, in the 1970s and 1980s, revisionist scholars such as Sheila Fitzpatrick, Moshe Lewin, and Robert Thurston challenged this theory and introduced a social history approach that shed light on how the Soviet state was able to secure mass support.2 Post-revisionist scholars doubled down on this approach by asserting the existence of a distinctive Soviet subjectivity and arguing that normative Soviet values were voluntarily internalized by citizens who systematically performed Sovietness in their daily lives.3 Most of these studies dealt with the Stalinist period and tended to focus on Moscow or Leningrad. By contrast, Klumbytė's book focuses on Lithuania during the late Soviet period. While acknowledging the role of the repressive state apparatus, she also draws attention [End Page 233] to limited social, economic, and political pluralism and the relative freedoms of Soviet citizens. By choosing writers, artists, and editors of Broom who communicated state ideology to the masses as the main protagonists of her study rather than dissident intellectuals who openly opposed the Soviet state, Klumbytė has made a daring conceptual choice. She argues that "authoritarian laughter" was multidirectional: it was a communicative exchange among artists and audiences that was both ideologically correct and subversive. In authoritarian society, complicity did not necessitate shared beliefs, so by avoiding binaries like dissident versus accomplice, Klumbytė offers an important insight about the position of Soviet intellectuals in-between the polar stances of resistance and conformity. Previous studies of authoritarian humor have juxtaposed official and unofficial humor, focusing on laughter either as a form of resistance or a tool of propaganda.4 By contrast, Klumbytė's approach to laughter is complex and does not differentiate between its two functions. In this regard, she is closer to John Etty, who has aptly challenged the divide between official and unofficial humor in his book on Krokodil's graphic satire and has suggested that, irreducible to propaganda, it sometimes...
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《权威的笑声:立陶宛的政治幽默与苏维埃反乌托邦》作者:内林加·克伦比特伊
涅林加·克伦拜特伊,《权威的笑声:立陶宛的政治幽默和苏维埃反乌托邦》(伊萨卡,纽约州:康奈尔大学出版社,2022)。287页,伊利诺伊州。索引。ISBN: 978-1-5017-6668-8。最短的笑话:“共产主义。”对威权主义的研究通常集中在国家权力、暴力和侵犯人权上。迈阿密大学的人类学副教授Neringa klumbytkv采用了一种不同的方法来研究威权主义,通过制作和消费苏维埃立陶宛官方认可的幽默杂志来研究“权力的普通经验”——创作漫画和讽刺,通过审查,通过笑声拥抱官方文化(第4页)。klumbytkv认为,当缺乏民主形式的政治参与时,国家动员公民,通过幽默和讽刺为他们提供参与的途径。作者旨在重建专制政权渗透公民日常生活的过程,使他们在政治上参与进来,并在道德和情感层面上使意识形态成为家常便饭——或者,在这些方面失败。具体来说,这本书研究了立陶宛讽刺幽默杂志《扫帚》(Šluota)从1956年创刊到1985年戈尔巴乔夫担任苏联共产党总书记执政期间的情况。作者讨论了当时唯一的立陶宛语幽默杂志《Broom》如何成为苏维埃立陶宛国家赞助的笑声的主要出口。当局认为这些出口是他们可以使用的纪律和宣传工具,但这只是部分地如此。klumbytnik巧妙地展示了,除了它的官方角色,扫帚是如何作为一个对抗苏联和重申立陶宛独特性的网站。这本书通过探索专制政府和公民之间的动态,对国家权力的抵抗,以及国家宣传和公众参与的作用,为苏联威权主义的研究提供了宝贵的贡献。这些话题长期以来一直是研究该地区的学者感兴趣的话题。早期的“极权主义学派”将苏联国家描绘成一个几乎完全控制社会的机构,公民被描绘成原子化的个体,要么被彻底洗脑,要么被强大的国家机器压制然而,在20世纪70年代和80年代,希拉·菲茨帕特里克、摩西·卢因和罗伯特·瑟斯顿等修正主义学者对这一理论提出了挑战,并引入了一种社会历史方法,揭示了苏联国家如何能够获得群众支持后修正主义学者通过断言独特的苏联主体性的存在,并认为规范的苏联价值观是由在日常生活中系统地执行苏联性的公民自愿内化的,从而使这种方法加倍这些研究大多涉及斯大林时期,并倾向于关注莫斯科或列宁格勒。相比之下,klumbytje的书关注的是苏联后期的立陶宛。在承认镇压性国家机器的作用的同时,她也提请注意有限的社会、经济和政治多元化以及苏联公民的相对自由。通过选择向大众传播国家意识形态的作家、艺术家和《扫帚》的编辑作为她研究的主角,而不是公开反对苏维埃国家的持不同政见的知识分子,klumbytje做出了一个大胆的概念选择。她认为,“威权式的笑声”是多向的:它是艺术家和观众之间的一种沟通交流,在意识形态上既正确又具有颠覆性。在专制社会中,共犯并不一定要有共同的信仰,因此,通过避免像持不同政见者与共犯这样的二元对立,klumbytje提供了一个关于苏联知识分子在抵抗和顺从的两极立场之间的立场的重要见解。先前对权威幽默的研究将官方幽默和非官方幽默并置,重点关注笑作为一种抵抗形式或宣传工具相比之下,klumbytje对笑的态度是复杂的,并没有区分它的两种功能。在这方面,她更接近约翰·埃蒂(John Etty),他在关于克洛科迪尔(Krokodil)的漫画讽刺的书中恰当地挑战了官方和非官方幽默之间的鸿沟,并指出,不可简化为宣传,有时……
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