Portuguese Intelligence under Salazar’s Estado Novo

Abstract

AbstractThe Portuguese intelligence apparatus under António de Oliveira Salazar’s Estado Novo (New State) remains understudied. Even if there has been a relevant development of literature in general political terms after 25 April 1974, both in Portuguese and foreign languages, this interest seems to have decreased, even in the Portuguese sphere. This article aims at filling this gap in the literature. It provides an understanding of the historical context that enabled Salazar to develop Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado’s political police role in the historical context of both multipolarity before 1945 and bipolarity after the end of World War II. Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Lusitanian Integralism is a traditionalist, confessional Catholic, antiparliamentary, and corporatist movement. Born at the University of Coimbra in 1914, it has prominent intellectual figures (Antonio Sardinha, Rolao Preto, and Jose Pimenta) who later divided between those who were in favor of collaborating with Estado Novo and those who opposed the regime from a different point of view, National Syndicalist, close to the postulates of the Spanish Falange.2 It was a social–economic experiment that tried to overcome liberalism, Marxism, and to harmonize the private aspect with the community under an authoritarian state.3 Colonial wars in Portuguese Africa lasted between 1961 and 1974 and they were a political and economic burden for Portugal. The presence of other powers made those conflicts proxy wars and made it difficult for Portugal to stand a chance to win the war.4 A. H. de Oliveira Marques, História de Portugal Volume III Das Revoluções Liberais aos nossos Dias (Lisboa: editora Editorial Presença, 1998).5 J. Freire, “As Juventudes sindicalistas, um movimiento singular,” Penelope, revista de historia e ciencias sociais, No. 4 (1990), pp. 111–128.6 Documental RTP “A PIDE antes da PIDE,” YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VqwHiqQR65Q7 G. Gouyomard, La dictature militaire au Portugal (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1927).8 Oliveira Marques, História de Portugal Volume III, pp. 424–471.9 Salazar recognized himself in the Social Catholicism of Pope Leo XII, mainly the Encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” as well as corporativists such as Giuseppe Toniolo (founder of economic sociology and collaborator for the encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” later beatified) and Karl Feriherr Von Vogelsang.10 Organicism is a philosophical perspective that sees the universe and its parts as a harmonious and interrelated whole. By extension, political organicism sees society as a living organism with its own existence, its own rules, and that differs from the sum of its members.11 E. Castro-Leal, “The Political and Ideological Origins of the Estado Novo in Portugal,” Portuguese Studies, Vol. 32, No. 2 (2016), pp. 128–148; Juan J. Linz and Alfred C. Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe South America and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).12 Political police in charge of the security and defense of Estado Novo. It had different denominations (PVDE/PIDE/DGS), but the common denominator was its function as the political police of the Salazar regime and was commonly referred to as PIDE.13 Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation; Juan Linz, “Spain and Portugal: Critical Choices,” in Western Europe: The Trials of Partnership, edited by David S. Landes (Lexington Books, 1977); Neill Lochery, Lisbon: War in the Shadows of the City of Light, 1939–45 (Scribe Publications, 2011); Manuel Lucena, Os Lugar-Tenentes De Salazar (The Lieutenants of Salazar) (Alêtheia Editores. 2015); Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).14 “História Das Informações” (Information History) Historia | SIRP, www.sirp.pt/quem-somos/historia; Vizela Cardoso, “As Informações em Portugal Resenha Histórica,” in Estudos de Direito e Segurança, edited by Jorge Bacelar Gouveia and Rui Pereira (Coords, 2015); Ronald H. Chilcote, Transitions from Dictatorship to Democracy: Comparative Studies of Spain, Portugal, and Greece (Routledge, 2016); Ronald H. Chilcote, The Portuguese Revolution: State and Class in the Transition to Democracy (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2012); Artur Costa, “O Julgamento da PIDE—DGS e o Direito (Transitorio) a ‘Memoria’” [The PIDE—DGS Trial and the (Transitional) Right to “Memory”], in De Pinochet a Timor Lorosae: Impunidade e direito à memória (From Pinochet to Timor Lorosae: Impunity and the Right to Memory), edited by Iva Delgado, Manuel Loff, Antonio Cluny, Carlos Pacheco, and Ricardo Monteiro (Cosmos, 2000); Raphael Costa, From Dictatorship to Democracy in Twentieth-Century Portugal (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); María da Conceição Ribeiro, A Polícia Política no Estado Novo (1926–1945) (Lisbon, 1995); Tom Gallagher, Portugal: A Twentieth-Century Interpretation (University Press, 1983); Kay Hugh, Salazar and Modern Portugal (Hawthorn Books, 1970); Irene Flunser Pimentel, A Historia da PIDE (Temas e Debates, 2007); Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1991).15 Florina Cristiana (Cris) Matei, “Romania’s Intelligence Community: From an Instrument of Dictatorship to Serving Democracy,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, Vol. 20, No. 4 (2007–2008), pp. 629–660.16 The Salazar regime’s security apparatus consisted of the Portuguese Police, which was created following the Metropolitan Police model. After the 1910 revolution, Portugal transitioned to the French model of gendarmerie for the creation of their rural police, the Guardia Nacional Republicana (GNR), having a dual model that exists in all the Napoleonic-like forces. Thus, GNR, which had a strong presence in rural areas and maintained garrisons in the main cities. Likewise, there was a civil police force in Lisbon and Porto, as well as sections of the Criminal Police in these cities. In the rest of the Portuguese cities, there was a local police structure that was highly dependent on local patronage; O. Jaime and A. De Castro, “Condicionantes y claves interpretativas de las previsibles evoluciones estratégicas de los sistemas policiales en España y Portugal,” in El Proyecto GAR-SI Sahel en su vertiente de seguridad exterior (Aranzadi, 2023); A. Ventura, N. Andrade, and J. Vieira, Origens da Guarda Nacional Republicana (Lisboa: Fronteira do caos, 2021)17 A. O. Salazar, “Discurso na sala do Risco,” May 1930.18 Luta contra a desordem.19 A. O. Salazar, “Discurso,” May 1931.20 Podemos dicer que tinha desaparecido da vida portuguesa a seriedade e a justiza: a indisciplina era por consequencia general.21 A. O. Salazar, “Discurso,” May 1932.22 “Nacionalismo sólido, prudente, conciliador, onde nada contra a nação e tudo com a nação.”23 A. O Salazar, “Discurso,” October 1929.24 Ibid.25 María da Conceição Ribeiro, “A policia politica e o Estado Novo (1926-1945). Genese, funçoes e actuaçao da PVDE” (Disertaçao do mestrado. FCSH da UNL), 1993.26 F. Martins, A formaçao e consolidaçao política do Salazarismo e do Franquismo (Evora: Publicações do Cidehus, Edições Colibri, 2012).27 “A History of the PIDE from Below,” Duncan Simpson’s Blog, 4 September 2019, https://historyofthepidefrombelow.home.blog/28 A. M. De Carbalho, “O anjo negro de Salazar.” Visão, 17 July 2016.29 Andrew Morton, 17 Carnations: The Royals, the Nazis, and the Biggest Cover-Up in History (London: Grand Central Publishing, 2015).30 In fact, he was appointed commander of the Royal Victorian Order for services to the future Edward VIII, then Prince of Wales, after his visit to Lisbon in 1931. Douglas L. Wheeler, “In the Service of Order: The Portuguese Political Police and the British, German and Spanish Intelligence, 1932–1945,” Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (1983), pp. 1–25; Morton, 17 Carnations.31 “Former Head of Interpol Dies,” New York Times, 3 August 1964.32 Relatório remetido pelo Capitão Agostinho Lourenço, Director da PVDE, ao Ministro do Interior, sobre a actividade da polícia política entre 1932 e 1936. Julio 1936. Fundaçao Mario Soares.33 Gouyomard, La dictature militaire au Portugal.34 J. Serrano and A. H. De Oliveira, Nova História de Portugal XII: Portugal e o Estado Novo (1930–1960) (Lisboa: Editorial Presença, 1987), pp. 86–143.35 It is widely used in Portuguese to explain processes that are designed “for the English to see.” Fakeries that try to fool others. Mainly foreigners.36 D. Palmer, M. Berlin, and D. Daas, Global Environment of Policing (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 2012).37 A. Pizarroso and A. Telo, “Portugal na Segunda Guerra (1941–1945),” in Historia y Comunicación Social, Vol. 1 (1996), https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/HICS/article/view/HICS9696110360A/2013538 F. Rosas, O Salazarismo e a alianza inglesa (Lisboa: Estampa, 1988).39 Following the communist attack against President Salazar in 1937, Portuguese police showed some deficiencies and Portugal requested help from Italy. Mr. Leone Santoro, an officer of the Italian Police, is then sent to Italy to examine the Portuguese model and to show the Italian model against communist political violence.40 J. Campinos, Ideologia política do Estado Salazarista (Lisboa: Portugalia, 1975).41 A. Vicente, Portugal visto por Espanha: Correspondencia diplomática (Lisboa: Assirio Alvim, 1992).42 Pimentel, A historia da PIDE.43 M. Braga, O partido e o Estado no Salazarismo (Lisboa: Presença, 1988).44 J. da Silva, Legião Portuguesa: Força repressiva do fascismo (Lisboa: Diabril Editora, 1975).45 H. de la Torre, “Marcello Caetano: El largo camino hacia el poder,” Espacio Tiempo y Forma Serie V Historia Contemporánea (Madrid: UNED, 2007).46 da Silva, Legião Portuguesa.47 “Defender o patrimonio espiritual da Naçao e combater a ameaça comunista e anarquista.”48 A. Freire, The Party System in Portugal, in Die ParteieSysteme Westeuropas, edited by O. Niedermeier, R. Stoss, and M. Haas (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006), pp. 373–396.49 A. M. Caldeira, “O partido de Salazar: Antecedentes, organização e funções da União Nacional (1926–34),” Analise Social, Vol. 22, No. 94 (1986), pp. 943–977.50 F. Rosas and J. M. Brito Brandão, Dicionário de História do Estado Novo II (Lisboa: Venda Nova, Bertrand Editora, 1996).51 A. Costa Pinto, Os “camisas azuis”: Ideologia, elites e movimentos fascistas en Portugal 1914–1945 (Lisboa: Estampa, 1994).52 Latin fascist elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar regimes.53 Estimular o desenvolvimento integral da sua capacidade física, a formação do carácter e a devoção à Pátria, no sentimento da ordem, no gosto da disciplina e no culto do dever militar.54 Diario da Republica, lei no. 1/941, 11 April 1936.55 Repressao politica e social no regime fascista. Comissiao do livro negro sobre o regime fascista. 1986.56 V. Moreira Martins, “As prisões políticas do Estado Novo no século XXI: uma perspectiva patrimonial” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minho, 2018).57 Gonçalo Rocha Gonçalves, Criminalidade transnacional, vigilância política e internacionalização da polícia portuguesa, 1919–1939. https://doi.org/10.4000/lerhistoria.1040958 Ibid.59 Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo—PIDE/DGS—Escola Técnica de Polícia. Inventário preliminar. 1994. IDD (L. 639).60 F. Cabaleiro Angelo, Os Flechas: A Tropa Secreta da PIDE/DGS na Guerra de Angola (1967–1974) (Alfragide: Pt Casa das letras, 2017).61 J. P. Cann, The Flechas: Insurgent Hunting in Eastern Angola, 1965–1974 (Solihull, UK: Helion & Co., 2013).62 Aginter Press was not only used by Salazar; it also did work for Franco’s Spain, the Greek military junta, the South African apartheid regime, and even Suharto’s Indonesia. Daniele Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe (London: Routledge, 2005).63 https://web.archive.org/web/20150223173025; http://www.vidaslusofonas.pt/humberto_delgado.htm64 Goa, Daman, and Diu were part of Portuguese India until 1961, following an invasion/liberation by India in the framework of Operation Vijay, which removed the Portuguese, present since the sixteenth century. It was the starting point of the independentist movements in Portuguese Africa.65 J. P. Guerra, Memoria das guerras coloniais (Oporto: Afrontamento, 1994).66 P. Marques da Silva, A PIDE e os seus informadores: O caso de Inacio (Coimbra: Terra Ocre, 2019).67 Even if, thanks to the networks of informers, the PIDE permeated Portuguese daily life to a great extent, part of its “success” was based on making itself believed to be omnipresent, when it was far from it.68 J. Martins Madeira, Os engenheiros das almas: O partido Comunista e os intelectuais (Lisboa: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1994). Several articles describe this historical period of the second half of the twentieth century, which, with different nuances, can explain the general historical environment—including those about Romania, Spain, Chile, and Albania. Matei, “Romania’s Intelligence Community,” pp. 629–660; Florina Cristiana Matei, Andrés de Castro García, and Carolyn C. Halladay, “On Balance: Intelligence Democratization in Post-Franco Spain,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, Vol. 31 No. 4 (2018), pp. 769–804; Florina Cristiana Matei and Andrés de Castro García, “Chilean Intelligence after Pinochet: Painstaking Reform of an Inauspicious Legacy,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, Vol. 30, No. 2 (2017), pp. 340–367.69 J. Pacheco Pereira, “El Partido Comunista portugués y la izquierda revolucionaria,” Revista de estudios políticos, No. 60 (1986) pp. 69–100.70 M. Ferari, La increíble historia de Antonio Salazar, el dictador que murió dos veces (Madrid: Debate, 2022).71 T. Fernandes, Nem Ditadura, Nem Revolução: A Ala Liberal e o Marcelismo (1968–1974) (Lisboa: Assembleia da República/Dom Quixote, 2006).72 M. Ferari, La increíble historia de Antonio Salazar, el dictador que murió dos veces.73 The incapacitation and death of Salazar brought Prof. Marcelo Caetano to the head of government. He tried a timid opening of the regime but this was slow and insufficient, leading to the Revoluçao dos Cravos.74 Marques da Silva, A PIDE e os seus informadores.75 Pimentel, A historia da PIDE.76 Paul H. Lewis, Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002); Repressao politica e social no regime fascista. Comissiao do livro negro sobre o regime fascista. Lisboa Conselho de ministros. Graficas Europam 1986.77 Movimento de Unidade Democrática emerges as a democratic platform of opposition to the Salazar regime when it calls elections to save Estado Novo after the end of WWII, giving it a facelift and seeking an aspect of democratic normality.78 Madeira, Os engenheiros das almas. The communist party in particular was perceived as the main danger and threat to the regime, and therefore, the main raison d’étre of PIDE as the defense arm of Estado Novo. The communist party was, thus, the main concern for Estado Novo, which saw communism as a threat not only to the regime but even to Portugal itself since the 1930s. The fact that many independence movements in the overseas territories had a communist ideological base only reinforced this idea. Thus, Salazar’s regime and PIDE’s main goal was to put an end to it, in the sense that communist ideology combined internal and external threats to the system’s political stability. It diminished internal support for the colonial wars, and it fueled independence movements in the colonies on three continents: Africa, Asia, and Oceania. Anticommunist war was legitimate in the eyes of the West during the Cold War because communism was the ideology of the competitor, the Soviet Union. R. A. Robinson, Portugal, a Twentieth Century Interpretation (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1982).79 Conflictos armados entre el ejercito portugues y las milicias independentistas de los conocidos entonces y en conjunto como “los territorios de ultramar” y que actualmente son Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau, Cabo Verde, y Sao Tomé.80 This research has included a dozen informal, semistructured interviews with former members of the communist party as well as aged Portuguese citizens. We thank all of them for their honesty, help, and support.81 As per the findings of our fieldwork performed during 2021, 2022, and 2023, in several parts of Portugal and with several key informant interviews.82 L. Haro, “Entering a Theoretical Void: The Theory of Social Fascism and Stalinism in the German Communist Party,” Journal of Socialist Theory, Vol. 39 (2011), pp. 563–582.83 Matei, de Castro García, and Halladay, “On Balance,” 769–804.84 A. Garrido, “A Universidade e o Estado Novo: De ‘corporação orgânica’ do regime a território de dissidência social,” Revista Critica de Ciencias Sociais, No. 81 (2008), pp. 133–153.85 As a Social Democratic political party then led by Dr. Mário Soares who later became president of Portugal (1986–1996).86 Diario O SETUBALENSE, 18 October 1969.87 A. Araujo, Morte á PIDE! (Lisboa: Tinta da China, 2022).88 “Desvio dos Arquivos da PIDE para o KGB,” RTP Arquivos (in European Portuguese), https://arquivos.rtp.pt/conteudos/desvio-dos-arquivos-da-pide-para-o-kgb/ (accessed 19 September 2021).89 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eqBWOXFHxRI 90 M. B. Oliveira, “Serviços de Centralização e Coordenação de Informação de Angola 1961–1975: Estudo do Sistema de Informação,” Universidade de Lisboa (2015).91 J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: Norton & Co., 2001).92 Sixteen ETA terrorists were judged and five were executed by firing squad. Many Western states protested and withdrew their ambassador. Many claim it was the beginning of the end for Francoism.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAndrés de CastroAndrés de Castro is the Deputy Director of Instituto Universitario General Gutiérrez Mellado (IUGM), Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED, Spain), and the Spanish Ministry of Defense. He is an Associate Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at UNED. He holds a Ph.D. in International Security (IUGM–UNED) and a Law Degree from the University of Salamanca, Spain. He specializes in Security Studies and Intelligence and is the Director of the Master’s Program in Peace, Security and Defense at IUGM–UNED. The author can be contacted at adcastro@poli.uned.esEnrique Fernández-CarreraEnrique Fernández is a Medical Doctor with a postgraduate degree in Anesthesiology and a Political Science and International Relations graduate student at Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED, Spain). The author can be contacted at efernande496@alumno.uned.es.