Spiritually surviving precarious times: Millennials in Jakarta, Indonesia

IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Critical Asian Studies Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI:10.1080/14672715.2023.2260382
Inaya Rakhmani, Ariane Utomo
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Precarious millennials in this Muslim-majority city use spiritual lexicons as coping strategies, as these help urban millennials to accept (ikhlas) the gradual disappearance of financially rewarding jobs and dwindling prospects for upward mobility in the formal economy. While spiritual narratives might seem religiously specific, they are useful for both Muslim and non-Muslim millennials to respond to broader and systemic job insecurity.KEYWORDS: millennialsprecarityIndonesiaspiritualitypandemic AcknowledgementsThe authors thank the millennial research team, Afra Suci Ramadhon, Dwi Aini Bestari, Adinda Zakiah, Timothy Tirta, and Ayu Larasati for their hard work and company. We also thank the organisers of the Asia Institute, Indonesian Hallmark Research Initiative (IDeHaRI), and the Indonesia Forum, which co-organized “The 2019 Indonesian Elections” public panel and workshop in August 2019. A previous version of this paper was presented under the title “Labor Abundance in Precarious Times” at this workshop. We also thank the organizers of the 2022 Australia National University (ANU) Indonesia Institute’s “Young People in Indonesia” program, which allowed us to measure and compare our analysis against other research on young people. We thank the editor and anonymous reviewers for their comments and feedback on earlier versions of this manuscript. Together, they have made our arguments stronger.Notes1 Howe and Strauss Citation2000; Woodman and Wyn Citation2014.2 Cf. Friedman Citation2014; Morgan et al. Citation2013; Neilson and Rossiter Citation2005; Standing Citation2011; Worth Citation2016.3 Mirrlees Citation2015.4 Murphy and Simm Citation20175 Murphy and Simms Citation2017:3476 Harvey Citation2007.7 Akhlas Citation2020; Rakhmani et al. Citation2020.8 World Bank Citation2016. According to the World Bank, “in 2002, the richest ten percent of Indonesians consumed as much as the poorest forty-two percent combined; by 2014, they consumed as much as the poorest fifty-four percent.” See World Bank Citation2016, 7.9 Oxfam Citation2017.10 Hill Citation2021; Yusuf and Sumner Citation2015; Yusuf et al. Citation2021; Yusuf and Warr Citation2018; Yusuf et al. Citation2014.11 Harvey Citation2007.12 Harvey Citation2005.13 Enterprise Singapore Citation2022.14 Morelock Citation2018.15 McGuigan Citation2014.16 Mahy Citation2021.17 Harvey Citation2007.18 Utomo et al. Citation2018a; Beta, Citation2020; Anaroga and Sakai, Citation2023.19 Allen Citation2016.20 Rudnyckyj Citation2009; Rudnyckyj Citation2011a.21 Beta Citation2019, Citation2020; Heryanto Citation2011; Saefullah Citation2017; Rahman et al. Citation2021; Nisa Citation2018a, Citation2018b, Citation2021; Smith-Heffner Citation2019.22 Barker Citation2007.23 Utomo et al. Citation2018a; Beta, Citation2020; Anaroga and Sakai, Citation2023.24 Lee and Mason Citation2006.25 UNESCAP Citation2020.26 Gellert Citation2015.27 Cohen Citation2021; Pinsker Citation2021.28 Utomo et al. Citation2018a; Anoraga and Sakai, Citation2023.29 Utomo et al. Citation2018a.30 Naafs and Skelton Citation2018.31 Rodrik Citation2016.32 Yusuf and Sumner Citation2015; Andriyani and Irawan Citation201833 Churchill et al. Citation2019.34 Ortiz and Cummins Citation2012.35 Kamim et al. Citation2019; Yasih Citation202236 ILO 2023.37 Nilan et al. Citation2011.38 Leaver et al. Citation2020.39 Martinez and Masron Citation2020.40 BPS Citation2021.41 Initially, we followed up our survey with face-to-face in-depth interviews with a sub-sample of the survey participants in the first quarter of 2020. Due to the unanticipated disruptions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, follow-up interviews were delayed and shifted to online in-depth interviews. The interval between survey data collection and the timing of in-depth interviews ended up working to our advantage. First, the spacing between the two rounds of data collection allowed us to analyze our survey results and identify key themes and issues to be brought to the fore during the qualitative data collection period. Secondly, we were able to capture the temporal effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.42 We adopted measures for subjective well-being, religiosity, and economic standing from earlier studies on young adults in Greater Jakarta and other settings. Cf. Utomo et al. Citation2014; Nartova-Bochaver et al. Citation2019.43 When analyzing questions about Islam and /or the practice of Islam, we have limited our analysis to Muslim participants in the sample (n=528).44 Worth Citation2019, 445.45 We have included all responses for all participants, regardless of their religion. We have excluded missing data from our tabulations.46 The percentage distribution among tertiary educated participants was as follows: 1= 6.6%; 2= 25.8%; 3=19.2%; 4 =20.7%; 5=24.8%; 6=3%, with 1 being very unsatisfied and 6 being very satisfied47 ILO 2016, 9.48 Jeffrey Citation2008.49 This sense of in-betweenness resonates with Jeffrey’s concept of time-passing (Citation2008) – to pass time, waiting (jobless) by keeping busy (remaining active). See also Jeffrey and Dyson Citation2021.50 Newhouse Citation2017.51 “Letting go” (pasrah) is a form of mental surrender to hardships and God’s will. Such lexicons appear as individual narratives within broader discourses of precarity. They are useful as forms of recourse and reflection in times of strife and stress.52 Ikhtiar (to choose) is part of how to be a good Muslim (Abukari, Citation2014). Colloquially, it means effort, endeavour, and persistence in the face of challenges. However, as many have argued, Islamic narratives and teachings are not monolithic and there is heterogeneity in piety. Cf. Rakhmani, Citation2016.53 The term hijrah refers to a Muslim’s transformation from being less religious to more religious. It is commonly expressed through their choice of dress—an Arabim, full cover veil with robes (jalabiya­) for women, while men generally wear pants that stop above their ankles (isbal) and don a beard (lihyah) like the one worn by the Prophet (Sunesti et al., Citation2018). Interestingly, some leave their jobs to carry out a complete and perfect hijra (Arabic: kaffah; meaning a comprehensive form of Islam) (Akmaliah, Citation2020). This is usually to avoid impurity in working environments that involve usury (riba) or working with infidels (kafir)(Farhan and Rosharlianti, Citation2021; Ningsih et al., Citation2022).54 Jahroni Citation2015.55 Nisa Citation2018b.56 Hadiz and Rakhmani Citation2017; Hasan Citation2010; Rakhmani and Hadiz Citation2022.57 Rakhmani Citation2019; Utomo et al., Citation2018b.58 Fealy Citation2008; Nisa Citation2018a; Rakhmani Citation2016; Rudnyckyj Citation2009; Citation2011a; Citation2011b; Saefullah Citation2017.59 Albrecht and Heaton Citation1984.60 See Rudnyckyj Citation2011a; Citationb; see also Fealy Citation2008; Yasih and Hadiz Citation2023.Additional informationFundingThis work was funded by the Indonesian Endowment Fund for Education (LPDP) on behalf of the Indonesian Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology and managed by Universitas Indonesia under the PRIME Program (Grant No. PRJ/120/2021).Notes on contributorsInaya RakhmaniInaya Rakhmani is an associate professor in communications and the Director of the Asia Research Centre, Universitas Indonesia. She is the author of Mainstreaming Islam in Indonesia published by Palgrave MacMillan in 2016, which was translated into Indonesian by Mizan Publishing in 2021.Ariane UtomoAriane Utomo is a social demographer, working primarily on gender, work, marriage, and the family in Indonesia. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

ABSTRACTIt is increasingly urgent to consider how work conditions have shifted with neoliberal transformations and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. The precarious nature of work faced by millennials is widely acknowledged in the academic literature, but few scholars consider how spirituality is intimately connected to the multiple labour market challenges in the Global South. This paper uses sequential mixed methods to depict the social realities of millennials living in Jakarta, Indonesia. Importantly, precarity has become more entrenched into the nature of work during the pandemic, through the passage of the 2020 Job Creation Law. Precarious millennials in this Muslim-majority city use spiritual lexicons as coping strategies, as these help urban millennials to accept (ikhlas) the gradual disappearance of financially rewarding jobs and dwindling prospects for upward mobility in the formal economy. While spiritual narratives might seem religiously specific, they are useful for both Muslim and non-Muslim millennials to respond to broader and systemic job insecurity.KEYWORDS: millennialsprecarityIndonesiaspiritualitypandemic AcknowledgementsThe authors thank the millennial research team, Afra Suci Ramadhon, Dwi Aini Bestari, Adinda Zakiah, Timothy Tirta, and Ayu Larasati for their hard work and company. We also thank the organisers of the Asia Institute, Indonesian Hallmark Research Initiative (IDeHaRI), and the Indonesia Forum, which co-organized “The 2019 Indonesian Elections” public panel and workshop in August 2019. A previous version of this paper was presented under the title “Labor Abundance in Precarious Times” at this workshop. We also thank the organizers of the 2022 Australia National University (ANU) Indonesia Institute’s “Young People in Indonesia” program, which allowed us to measure and compare our analysis against other research on young people. We thank the editor and anonymous reviewers for their comments and feedback on earlier versions of this manuscript. Together, they have made our arguments stronger.Notes1 Howe and Strauss Citation2000; Woodman and Wyn Citation2014.2 Cf. Friedman Citation2014; Morgan et al. Citation2013; Neilson and Rossiter Citation2005; Standing Citation2011; Worth Citation2016.3 Mirrlees Citation2015.4 Murphy and Simm Citation20175 Murphy and Simms Citation2017:3476 Harvey Citation2007.7 Akhlas Citation2020; Rakhmani et al. Citation2020.8 World Bank Citation2016. According to the World Bank, “in 2002, the richest ten percent of Indonesians consumed as much as the poorest forty-two percent combined; by 2014, they consumed as much as the poorest fifty-four percent.” See World Bank Citation2016, 7.9 Oxfam Citation2017.10 Hill Citation2021; Yusuf and Sumner Citation2015; Yusuf et al. Citation2021; Yusuf and Warr Citation2018; Yusuf et al. Citation2014.11 Harvey Citation2007.12 Harvey Citation2005.13 Enterprise Singapore Citation2022.14 Morelock Citation2018.15 McGuigan Citation2014.16 Mahy Citation2021.17 Harvey Citation2007.18 Utomo et al. Citation2018a; Beta, Citation2020; Anaroga and Sakai, Citation2023.19 Allen Citation2016.20 Rudnyckyj Citation2009; Rudnyckyj Citation2011a.21 Beta Citation2019, Citation2020; Heryanto Citation2011; Saefullah Citation2017; Rahman et al. Citation2021; Nisa Citation2018a, Citation2018b, Citation2021; Smith-Heffner Citation2019.22 Barker Citation2007.23 Utomo et al. Citation2018a; Beta, Citation2020; Anaroga and Sakai, Citation2023.24 Lee and Mason Citation2006.25 UNESCAP Citation2020.26 Gellert Citation2015.27 Cohen Citation2021; Pinsker Citation2021.28 Utomo et al. Citation2018a; Anoraga and Sakai, Citation2023.29 Utomo et al. Citation2018a.30 Naafs and Skelton Citation2018.31 Rodrik Citation2016.32 Yusuf and Sumner Citation2015; Andriyani and Irawan Citation201833 Churchill et al. Citation2019.34 Ortiz and Cummins Citation2012.35 Kamim et al. Citation2019; Yasih Citation202236 ILO 2023.37 Nilan et al. Citation2011.38 Leaver et al. Citation2020.39 Martinez and Masron Citation2020.40 BPS Citation2021.41 Initially, we followed up our survey with face-to-face in-depth interviews with a sub-sample of the survey participants in the first quarter of 2020. Due to the unanticipated disruptions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, follow-up interviews were delayed and shifted to online in-depth interviews. The interval between survey data collection and the timing of in-depth interviews ended up working to our advantage. First, the spacing between the two rounds of data collection allowed us to analyze our survey results and identify key themes and issues to be brought to the fore during the qualitative data collection period. Secondly, we were able to capture the temporal effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.42 We adopted measures for subjective well-being, religiosity, and economic standing from earlier studies on young adults in Greater Jakarta and other settings. Cf. Utomo et al. Citation2014; Nartova-Bochaver et al. Citation2019.43 When analyzing questions about Islam and /or the practice of Islam, we have limited our analysis to Muslim participants in the sample (n=528).44 Worth Citation2019, 445.45 We have included all responses for all participants, regardless of their religion. We have excluded missing data from our tabulations.46 The percentage distribution among tertiary educated participants was as follows: 1= 6.6%; 2= 25.8%; 3=19.2%; 4 =20.7%; 5=24.8%; 6=3%, with 1 being very unsatisfied and 6 being very satisfied47 ILO 2016, 9.48 Jeffrey Citation2008.49 This sense of in-betweenness resonates with Jeffrey’s concept of time-passing (Citation2008) – to pass time, waiting (jobless) by keeping busy (remaining active). See also Jeffrey and Dyson Citation2021.50 Newhouse Citation2017.51 “Letting go” (pasrah) is a form of mental surrender to hardships and God’s will. Such lexicons appear as individual narratives within broader discourses of precarity. They are useful as forms of recourse and reflection in times of strife and stress.52 Ikhtiar (to choose) is part of how to be a good Muslim (Abukari, Citation2014). Colloquially, it means effort, endeavour, and persistence in the face of challenges. However, as many have argued, Islamic narratives and teachings are not monolithic and there is heterogeneity in piety. Cf. Rakhmani, Citation2016.53 The term hijrah refers to a Muslim’s transformation from being less religious to more religious. It is commonly expressed through their choice of dress—an Arabim, full cover veil with robes (jalabiya­) for women, while men generally wear pants that stop above their ankles (isbal) and don a beard (lihyah) like the one worn by the Prophet (Sunesti et al., Citation2018). Interestingly, some leave their jobs to carry out a complete and perfect hijra (Arabic: kaffah; meaning a comprehensive form of Islam) (Akmaliah, Citation2020). This is usually to avoid impurity in working environments that involve usury (riba) or working with infidels (kafir)(Farhan and Rosharlianti, Citation2021; Ningsih et al., Citation2022).54 Jahroni Citation2015.55 Nisa Citation2018b.56 Hadiz and Rakhmani Citation2017; Hasan Citation2010; Rakhmani and Hadiz Citation2022.57 Rakhmani Citation2019; Utomo et al., Citation2018b.58 Fealy Citation2008; Nisa Citation2018a; Rakhmani Citation2016; Rudnyckyj Citation2009; Citation2011a; Citation2011b; Saefullah Citation2017.59 Albrecht and Heaton Citation1984.60 See Rudnyckyj Citation2011a; Citationb; see also Fealy Citation2008; Yasih and Hadiz Citation2023.Additional informationFundingThis work was funded by the Indonesian Endowment Fund for Education (LPDP) on behalf of the Indonesian Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology and managed by Universitas Indonesia under the PRIME Program (Grant No. PRJ/120/2021).Notes on contributorsInaya RakhmaniInaya Rakhmani is an associate professor in communications and the Director of the Asia Research Centre, Universitas Indonesia. She is the author of Mainstreaming Islam in Indonesia published by Palgrave MacMillan in 2016, which was translated into Indonesian by Mizan Publishing in 2021.Ariane UtomoAriane Utomo is a social demographer, working primarily on gender, work, marriage, and the family in Indonesia. She is currently a senior lecturer in Demography and Population Geography at the School of Geography, Earth, and Atmospheric Sciences, The University of Melbourne.
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精神上生存的危险时代:印度尼西亚雅加达的千禧一代
考虑工作条件如何随着新自由主义转型以及最近的COVID-19大流行而发生变化,这一点越来越迫切。学术文献普遍承认千禧一代面临的工作不稳定的本质,但很少有学者考虑到灵性与南半球多重劳动力市场挑战之间的密切联系。本文使用顺序混合的方法来描绘生活在印度尼西亚雅加达的千禧一代的社会现实。重要的是,在疫情期间,通过2020年《创造就业法》,不稳定性在工作性质中变得更加根深蒂固。在这个穆斯林占多数的城市里,不稳定的千禧一代使用精神词汇作为应对策略,因为这些词汇帮助城市千禧一代接受(ikhlas)有经济回报的工作逐渐消失,以及在正规经济中向上流动的前景日益渺茫。虽然精神叙事似乎与宗教有关,但它们对穆斯林和非穆斯林千禧一代应对更广泛和系统性的工作不安全感都很有用。作者感谢千禧一代研究团队、Afra Suci Ramadhon、Dwi Aini Bestari、Adinda Zakiah、Timothy Tirta和Ayu Larasati的辛勤工作和陪伴。我们还要感谢亚洲研究所、印度尼西亚贺曼研究倡议(IDeHaRI)和印度尼西亚论坛的组织者,他们于2019年8月共同组织了“2019年印度尼西亚选举”公众小组和研讨会。在本次研讨会上,本文的前一个版本以“不稳定时代的劳动力充裕”为题进行了介绍。我们还要感谢2022年澳大利亚国立大学印度尼西亚研究所“印度尼西亚的年轻人”项目的组织者,该项目使我们能够将我们的分析与其他关于年轻人的研究进行衡量和比较。我们感谢编辑和匿名审稿人对本文早期版本的评论和反馈。总之,它们使我们的论点更加有力。注1 Howe and Strauss citation; 2000;Woodman and Wyn Citation2014.2 Cf. Friedman Citation2014;Morgan等人。Citation2013;Neilson and Rossiter citation; 2005;站Citation2011;Worth Citation2016.3 Mirrlees Citation2015.4 Murphy and Simm Citation20175 Murphy and Simms Citation2017:3476 Harvey Citation2007.7 Akhlas Citation2020;Rakhmani等人。Citation2020.8世界银行Citation2016。根据世界银行的数据,“2002年,印尼最富有的10%人口的消费相当于最贫穷的42%人口的消费总和;到2014年,他们的消费与最贫穷的54%的人一样多。”见World Bank Citation2016, 7.9 Oxfam Citation2017.10 Hill Citation2021;Yusuf and Sumner citation; 2015;优素福等人。Citation2021;优素福和瓦尔引文2018;优素福等人。Citation2014.11 Harvey Citation2007.12 Harvey Citation2005.13 Enterprise Singapore Citation2022.14 Morelock Citation2018.15 McGuigan Citation2014.16 Mahy Citation2021.17 Harvey Citation2007.18 Utomo等。Citation2018a;β,Citation2020;Anaroga and Sakai, Citation2023.19 Allen Citation2016.20 Rudnyckyj Citation2009;Rudnyckyj Citation2011a.21Beta Citation2019, Citation2020;Heryanto Citation2011;Saefullah Citation2017;Rahman等人。Citation2021;Nisa Citation2018a, Citation2018b, Citation2021;Smith-Heffner Citation2019.22 Barker Citation2007.23 Utomo等。Citation2018a;β,Citation2020;Anaroga and Sakai, Citation2023.24 Lee and Mason Citation2006.25 UNESCAP Citation2020.26 Gellert Citation2015.27 Cohen Citation2021;Pinsker citation . 2021.28 Utomo等。Citation2018a;Anoraga and Sakai, Citation2023.29 Utomo等。Citation2018a.30naaf and Skelton Citation2018.31 Rodrik Citation2016.32 Yusuf and Sumner Citation2015;Andriyani和Irawan引文201833丘吉尔等人。引文20119.34 Ortiz and Cummins引文2012.35 Kamim et al.。Citation2019;Yasih引文202236 ILO 2023.37 Nilan等。[引文]2011.38 Leaver等。最初,我们在2020年第一季度对调查参与者的子样本进行了面对面的深入访谈,以跟踪我们的调查。由于2019冠状病毒病大流行带来的意外中断,后续采访被推迟,改为在线深度采访。调查数据收集和深度访谈之间的时间间隔最终对我们有利。首先,两轮数据收集之间的间隔使我们能够分析我们的调查结果,并确定在定性数据收集期间要突出的关键主题和问题。其次,我们能够捕捉到COVID-19大流行的时间影响我们采用了早期对大雅加达地区和其他地区的年轻人的研究中关于主观幸福感、宗教信仰和经济地位的指标。参见Utomo等人。Citation2014;Nartova-Bochaver等人。Citation2019。
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来源期刊
Critical Asian Studies
Critical Asian Studies AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
3.20
自引率
3.80%
发文量
29
期刊介绍: Critical Asian Studies is a peer-reviewed quarterly journal that welcomes unsolicited essays, reviews, translations, interviews, photo essays, and letters about Asia and the Pacific, particularly those that challenge the accepted formulas for understanding the Asia and Pacific regions, the world, and ourselves. Published now by Routledge Journals, part of the Taylor & Francis Group, Critical Asian Studies remains true to the mission that was articulated for the journal in 1967 by the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars.
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