Nous thurathen : between Theophrastus and Alexander of Aphrodisias

IF 0.8 2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY British Journal for the History of Philosophy Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI:10.1080/09608788.2023.2265970
Robert Roreitner
{"title":"<i>Nous thurathen</i> : between Theophrastus and Alexander of Aphrodisias","authors":"Robert Roreitner","doi":"10.1080/09608788.2023.2265970","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe idea that nous comes from without, deriving from Aristotle’s Generation of Animals II.3, became a key element in late ancient and Medieval accounts of human rationality drawing on Aristotle’s De Anima. But two very different understandings of the concept were around (often occurring next to each other): either it was taken to refer to the human capacity for thought and its origin outside the natural ontogenetic process; or it was taken to stand for the most perfect act of thought, existing separately as the supreme divinity, and becoming, hopefully, ours at the very climax of human development. This paper shows how these two influential conceptions derive from the work of the two greatest scholars of Aristotle’s school, Theophrastus and Alexander of Aphrodisias, respectively. More to the point: it shows that (i) there is an intriguing philosophical story to be told of how the notion developed from one understanding to the other, this being the core of a larger story of nous from without in Western thought; and that (ii) this story sheds new light on what was at stake in the early – genuinely Peripatetic – reception of Aristotle’s account of nous (as contrasted with later, heavily Platonized, interpretations).KEYWORDS: Rationalityontogenyaristotelianismsoulmortality AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of this paper was presented at HU Berlin in July 2022. I am grateful to the audience for helpful comments and a stimulating discussion, especially Lukas Apsel, Malina Buturovic, Stephen Menn, and Zhixi Wang. I would also like to thank two anonymous referees of BJHP for many valuable suggestions. The research was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (project No. 22-21829S).Notes1 See Menn, Plato on God.2 See Iuv. 10 472a22–24 and GA II.3 736b27–29, respectively. There is a third use no less puzzling than these two at GA II.6 744b21–22.3 See especially DA 90.19–91.4; and also Philoponus, InDA 518.6–8, 535.4–5.4 See e.g. Connell, “Nous Alone”, 114, 121, 129.5 See Averroes, Long Commentary, 389–91, 399, 432.6 See Aquinas, De Unitate Intellectus 2.66–92, 5.386–396. For an overview of Aquinas’ account and its influence, see Haldane and Lee, “Aquinas on Human Ensoulment” or Eberl, “Aquinas’ Account”.7 For the nature of Aristotle’s inquiry, see especially the contributions by Falcon, Gotthelf, Lefebvre, and Leunissen in Falcon and Lefebvre, Aristotle’s Generation of Animals.8 The details are disputed. A major question discussed by scholars is how mechanistic or pre-programmed the whole process really is and how sensitive it is to inputs from external and internal environment. For two different approaches, see Connell, “Living Animal from Semen”, and Henry, “Aristotle on Epigenesis”.9 This, of course, does not imply that, say, a human embryo has the same essence as a horse embryo (thanks to an anonymous referee for raising this worry). Only the former can become a human being and only the latter can become a horse, and this must determine what each essentially is. We will see that Theophrastus’ account brings this intuition forcefully home.10 Aristotle does not reduce the role of the female to a merely passive contribution. See Henry, “Reproductive Hylomorphism” (with Henry, The Hylomorphic Theory, 118–29) and Connell, Aristotle on Female Animals, 91–160 for two ways of undermining this traditional idea. Once the process is set up by the male, the female material can also contribute productively.11 See primarily Moraux’ influential “À propos”. See also e.g. Charlton, “Place of Mind”, 413–16, and Connell, “Nous Alone”, 123–25.12 Sections III and IV aim at giving the large picture. For a detailed discussion of Theophrastus’ view on the place of nous in human ontogeny, I refer the reader to my “Human Ontogeny”.13 The two preserved testimonies discussed below leave no doubt that Theophrastus has GA II.3 736b27–29 in mind. Indeed, ‘from without’ and ‘from outside’ are close synonyms, used sometimes interchangeably by Aristotle; in the extant corpus, Theophrastus always uses ‘from outside’ even in contexts where Aristotle prefers ‘from without’. For more on this front, see the reference in the preceding note.14 See Simplicius, In Phys. 964.29–965.6 (271 FHS&G).15 See DA I.1 403a3–16 (cf. I.4 408b18–30 and I.5 411b15–18), II.1 413a6–7 and III.4 429a18–b5.16 Cf. DA III.4 429a24.17 Aristotle’s characterization from DA III.4 429a24 is picked up at DA III.5 430a10–17, where the nous in question is compared with matter and characterized as what can “become everything”. That is clearly an important background for Theophrastus (see also Themistius, InDA 108.18–24 = 320A FHS&G).18 Its actuality is “not the actuality of any body” (DA II.1 413a7). This does not mean that the “most general account” of soul cannot be applied to nous at all. Nous is presumably the actuality of the human body in the sense that it determines what this body needs to be like, and also in the sense that it cannot exist separately from the body; Theophrastus’ point seems only to be that nous is not a part of the form of the body.19 Theophrastus seems to build on the kind of contrast Aristotle draws at DA II.5 417b16–18: the first actualization of the perceptive capacity has already taken place during embryogenesis, whereas nous needs yet to be developed.20 ‘Moving nous’ is Theophrastus’ considered label for the so-called agent nous of DA III 5 (see Themistius, InDA 108.25–27 = 320A FHS&G) which he seems to understand, like Alexander later, as a transcendent divine nous rather than as a constitutive part of the human soul.21 See especially DA III.7–8 (431b2–12, 432a3–14) and Mem. 1 (449b30–450a7).22 Theophrastus’ reading thus cannot be aligned with the approach, rightly criticized by Connell, “Nous Alone”, which would see the idea of nous from without as a support for substance dualism.23 The third occurrence of nous from without, at GA II.6, 744b21–22, can point in the same direction: nous is conceived here as the insight/knowledge of the householder governing his house from without, which is exactly the kind of relation nous must not have to each human being according to Theophrastus.24 This contrasting case is reminiscent of GA II.3 736b22–27.25 See Galen, Histor. philos. 105 and Ps.-Plutarch, Plac. philos. V.1.26 For Heraclides’ account of the soul as a light travelling through the Milky Way, see the testimonies 46–52 in Schütrumpf, Heraclides of Pontus; for a list of his writings, see DL 5.86–88. In antiquity Heraclides was often associated with the Peripatos, but this is a question of controversy. For a thorough assessment of Heraclides’ account of the soul, see Kupreeva, “Heraclides’ On Soul (?)”.27 This idea can be suggested by a certain reading of DA III.4 429b10–22. And it can be what Theophrastus has ultimately in mind when criticising the “captious” reading of Aristotle as implying that “nous is not even itself”.28 See Strato’s idea of nous/dianoia as the senses peeping out from the sense organs (Sextus M 7.349–350, Tertulian, De Anima 14.4–5, Plutarch, On the Intelligence of Animals 961a = 61, 59, 62 Sharples).29 For a criticism of this assumption, see Mansfeld, “Theodoret”, 183; cf. Mansfeld and Runia, Aëtiana V, 1526–1536.30 See Primavesi, “Stollen von Skepsis”, and Rashed, Ptolémée “al-Gharîb”.31 See Philo of Alexandria, Opif. Mundi 67.9–13; see also Somn. 1.30–31.32 The debate has been helpfully reconstructed, especially by Rashed, “A ‘new’ text” and Menn, “Atticus, Alexander, Porphyry”. In Sections V–VII, I draw on these reconstructions while showing what additional light is shed on the debate by the yet unrecognized Theophrastean background.33 See Simplicius, In Phys. 964.14–23 with Rashed, Commentaire perdu, 369–74.34 See Proclus, In Tim. III 234.9–26.35 For the sake of simplicity, I refer to the author of De Intellectu as ‘Alexander’; and I refer to the person whose views Alexander is reporting here simply as ‘the teacher’. For the notorious issue of authorship, the disputed question of the teacher’s identity, and the enigmatic doctrine of De Intellectu, see my “Thought ‘From Without’”.36 See Eusebius, PE XV.9.13–14. One author to think of in this connection is Plutarch of Chaeronea who is the first Platonist known to us to productively use the notion of nous from without, albeit without any explicit reference to Aristotle (see De genio Socratis 589A–B).37 For one possible way of saving Theophrastus from this kind of objection, see my “Human Ontogeny”.38 For a detailed discussion, I refer the reader to my “Thought ‘From Without’”.39 See Themistius, InDA 108.1–6 (307A FHS&G) – with Priscianus, Metaphrasis 27.8–14 (307C FHS&G) – for the aporia and Priscianus, Metaphrasis 29.12–15 (311 FHS&G) for the solution.40 See Themistius, InDA 108.25–27 (320A FHS&G).41 See also e.g. Caston, “Aristotle’s argument”, 171–72.42 The closest he ever comes to such a mention is at DA I.4 408b18–30, but this is part of his critical discussion of predecessors and can be interpreted in various ways.43 For a detailed discussion, I refer the reader to Geoffroy, “Tradition arabe” and Davidson, Intellect, 18–29 (see 83–94).44 Alexander seems to have taken Aristotle’s claim that “the passive nous is perishable” (430a24–25), quite understandably, as a confirmation of his own view. In the same context, Themistius uses the notion of nous from without also earlier at 37.25–28. For Themistius’ discussion of DA III.5 430a23–25 and his interlocutors, see my “Themistius against Porphyry”.45 After quoting Theophrastus, he uses Strato for the same purpose, see Simplicius, In Phys. 965.7–18 (41 Sharples).46 See especially InDA 517.34–520.20, and also 535.4–5, 535.32–536.5, 537.38–39, 538.7–10, 539.9–10, 540.10–12, 541.13–17, 542.1–5, 584.34–585.2.47 See InGA 84.20–30, where nous from without is introduced as the ultimate goal of the human capacity for thought understood, like in Alexander and his teacher, as a “preparedness”. It is less clear how Philoponus understands nous from without at 85.27–33 and 87.11–12 (cf. InDA 10.24–27).48 See InDA 160.18–27. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

ABSTRACTThe idea that nous comes from without, deriving from Aristotle’s Generation of Animals II.3, became a key element in late ancient and Medieval accounts of human rationality drawing on Aristotle’s De Anima. But two very different understandings of the concept were around (often occurring next to each other): either it was taken to refer to the human capacity for thought and its origin outside the natural ontogenetic process; or it was taken to stand for the most perfect act of thought, existing separately as the supreme divinity, and becoming, hopefully, ours at the very climax of human development. This paper shows how these two influential conceptions derive from the work of the two greatest scholars of Aristotle’s school, Theophrastus and Alexander of Aphrodisias, respectively. More to the point: it shows that (i) there is an intriguing philosophical story to be told of how the notion developed from one understanding to the other, this being the core of a larger story of nous from without in Western thought; and that (ii) this story sheds new light on what was at stake in the early – genuinely Peripatetic – reception of Aristotle’s account of nous (as contrasted with later, heavily Platonized, interpretations).KEYWORDS: Rationalityontogenyaristotelianismsoulmortality AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of this paper was presented at HU Berlin in July 2022. I am grateful to the audience for helpful comments and a stimulating discussion, especially Lukas Apsel, Malina Buturovic, Stephen Menn, and Zhixi Wang. I would also like to thank two anonymous referees of BJHP for many valuable suggestions. The research was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (project No. 22-21829S).Notes1 See Menn, Plato on God.2 See Iuv. 10 472a22–24 and GA II.3 736b27–29, respectively. There is a third use no less puzzling than these two at GA II.6 744b21–22.3 See especially DA 90.19–91.4; and also Philoponus, InDA 518.6–8, 535.4–5.4 See e.g. Connell, “Nous Alone”, 114, 121, 129.5 See Averroes, Long Commentary, 389–91, 399, 432.6 See Aquinas, De Unitate Intellectus 2.66–92, 5.386–396. For an overview of Aquinas’ account and its influence, see Haldane and Lee, “Aquinas on Human Ensoulment” or Eberl, “Aquinas’ Account”.7 For the nature of Aristotle’s inquiry, see especially the contributions by Falcon, Gotthelf, Lefebvre, and Leunissen in Falcon and Lefebvre, Aristotle’s Generation of Animals.8 The details are disputed. A major question discussed by scholars is how mechanistic or pre-programmed the whole process really is and how sensitive it is to inputs from external and internal environment. For two different approaches, see Connell, “Living Animal from Semen”, and Henry, “Aristotle on Epigenesis”.9 This, of course, does not imply that, say, a human embryo has the same essence as a horse embryo (thanks to an anonymous referee for raising this worry). Only the former can become a human being and only the latter can become a horse, and this must determine what each essentially is. We will see that Theophrastus’ account brings this intuition forcefully home.10 Aristotle does not reduce the role of the female to a merely passive contribution. See Henry, “Reproductive Hylomorphism” (with Henry, The Hylomorphic Theory, 118–29) and Connell, Aristotle on Female Animals, 91–160 for two ways of undermining this traditional idea. Once the process is set up by the male, the female material can also contribute productively.11 See primarily Moraux’ influential “À propos”. See also e.g. Charlton, “Place of Mind”, 413–16, and Connell, “Nous Alone”, 123–25.12 Sections III and IV aim at giving the large picture. For a detailed discussion of Theophrastus’ view on the place of nous in human ontogeny, I refer the reader to my “Human Ontogeny”.13 The two preserved testimonies discussed below leave no doubt that Theophrastus has GA II.3 736b27–29 in mind. Indeed, ‘from without’ and ‘from outside’ are close synonyms, used sometimes interchangeably by Aristotle; in the extant corpus, Theophrastus always uses ‘from outside’ even in contexts where Aristotle prefers ‘from without’. For more on this front, see the reference in the preceding note.14 See Simplicius, In Phys. 964.29–965.6 (271 FHS&G).15 See DA I.1 403a3–16 (cf. I.4 408b18–30 and I.5 411b15–18), II.1 413a6–7 and III.4 429a18–b5.16 Cf. DA III.4 429a24.17 Aristotle’s characterization from DA III.4 429a24 is picked up at DA III.5 430a10–17, where the nous in question is compared with matter and characterized as what can “become everything”. That is clearly an important background for Theophrastus (see also Themistius, InDA 108.18–24 = 320A FHS&G).18 Its actuality is “not the actuality of any body” (DA II.1 413a7). This does not mean that the “most general account” of soul cannot be applied to nous at all. Nous is presumably the actuality of the human body in the sense that it determines what this body needs to be like, and also in the sense that it cannot exist separately from the body; Theophrastus’ point seems only to be that nous is not a part of the form of the body.19 Theophrastus seems to build on the kind of contrast Aristotle draws at DA II.5 417b16–18: the first actualization of the perceptive capacity has already taken place during embryogenesis, whereas nous needs yet to be developed.20 ‘Moving nous’ is Theophrastus’ considered label for the so-called agent nous of DA III 5 (see Themistius, InDA 108.25–27 = 320A FHS&G) which he seems to understand, like Alexander later, as a transcendent divine nous rather than as a constitutive part of the human soul.21 See especially DA III.7–8 (431b2–12, 432a3–14) and Mem. 1 (449b30–450a7).22 Theophrastus’ reading thus cannot be aligned with the approach, rightly criticized by Connell, “Nous Alone”, which would see the idea of nous from without as a support for substance dualism.23 The third occurrence of nous from without, at GA II.6, 744b21–22, can point in the same direction: nous is conceived here as the insight/knowledge of the householder governing his house from without, which is exactly the kind of relation nous must not have to each human being according to Theophrastus.24 This contrasting case is reminiscent of GA II.3 736b22–27.25 See Galen, Histor. philos. 105 and Ps.-Plutarch, Plac. philos. V.1.26 For Heraclides’ account of the soul as a light travelling through the Milky Way, see the testimonies 46–52 in Schütrumpf, Heraclides of Pontus; for a list of his writings, see DL 5.86–88. In antiquity Heraclides was often associated with the Peripatos, but this is a question of controversy. For a thorough assessment of Heraclides’ account of the soul, see Kupreeva, “Heraclides’ On Soul (?)”.27 This idea can be suggested by a certain reading of DA III.4 429b10–22. And it can be what Theophrastus has ultimately in mind when criticising the “captious” reading of Aristotle as implying that “nous is not even itself”.28 See Strato’s idea of nous/dianoia as the senses peeping out from the sense organs (Sextus M 7.349–350, Tertulian, De Anima 14.4–5, Plutarch, On the Intelligence of Animals 961a = 61, 59, 62 Sharples).29 For a criticism of this assumption, see Mansfeld, “Theodoret”, 183; cf. Mansfeld and Runia, Aëtiana V, 1526–1536.30 See Primavesi, “Stollen von Skepsis”, and Rashed, Ptolémée “al-Gharîb”.31 See Philo of Alexandria, Opif. Mundi 67.9–13; see also Somn. 1.30–31.32 The debate has been helpfully reconstructed, especially by Rashed, “A ‘new’ text” and Menn, “Atticus, Alexander, Porphyry”. In Sections V–VII, I draw on these reconstructions while showing what additional light is shed on the debate by the yet unrecognized Theophrastean background.33 See Simplicius, In Phys. 964.14–23 with Rashed, Commentaire perdu, 369–74.34 See Proclus, In Tim. III 234.9–26.35 For the sake of simplicity, I refer to the author of De Intellectu as ‘Alexander’; and I refer to the person whose views Alexander is reporting here simply as ‘the teacher’. For the notorious issue of authorship, the disputed question of the teacher’s identity, and the enigmatic doctrine of De Intellectu, see my “Thought ‘From Without’”.36 See Eusebius, PE XV.9.13–14. One author to think of in this connection is Plutarch of Chaeronea who is the first Platonist known to us to productively use the notion of nous from without, albeit without any explicit reference to Aristotle (see De genio Socratis 589A–B).37 For one possible way of saving Theophrastus from this kind of objection, see my “Human Ontogeny”.38 For a detailed discussion, I refer the reader to my “Thought ‘From Without’”.39 See Themistius, InDA 108.1–6 (307A FHS&G) – with Priscianus, Metaphrasis 27.8–14 (307C FHS&G) – for the aporia and Priscianus, Metaphrasis 29.12–15 (311 FHS&G) for the solution.40 See Themistius, InDA 108.25–27 (320A FHS&G).41 See also e.g. Caston, “Aristotle’s argument”, 171–72.42 The closest he ever comes to such a mention is at DA I.4 408b18–30, but this is part of his critical discussion of predecessors and can be interpreted in various ways.43 For a detailed discussion, I refer the reader to Geoffroy, “Tradition arabe” and Davidson, Intellect, 18–29 (see 83–94).44 Alexander seems to have taken Aristotle’s claim that “the passive nous is perishable” (430a24–25), quite understandably, as a confirmation of his own view. In the same context, Themistius uses the notion of nous from without also earlier at 37.25–28. For Themistius’ discussion of DA III.5 430a23–25 and his interlocutors, see my “Themistius against Porphyry”.45 After quoting Theophrastus, he uses Strato for the same purpose, see Simplicius, In Phys. 965.7–18 (41 Sharples).46 See especially InDA 517.34–520.20, and also 535.4–5, 535.32–536.5, 537.38–39, 538.7–10, 539.9–10, 540.10–12, 541.13–17, 542.1–5, 584.34–585.2.47 See InGA 84.20–30, where nous from without is introduced as the ultimate goal of the human capacity for thought understood, like in Alexander and his teacher, as a “preparedness”. It is less clear how Philoponus understands nous from without at 85.27–33 and 87.11–12 (cf. InDA 10.24–27).48 See InDA 160.18–27. Not surprisingly, he is commenting on DA I.4 408b18–30 here (see note 42).
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Nous thurathen:Theophrastus 和阿弗罗狄西亚的亚历山大之间的故事
【摘要】亚里士多德的《动物论2 .3》中提出的“知识来自外部”的观点,成为古代晚期和中世纪亚里士多德的《论动物》中关于人类理性的一个关键因素。但是,对于这个概念有两种截然不同的理解(常常是彼此相邻的):一种理解是指人的思维能力及其在自然的个体发生过程之外的起源;或者,它被认为是思想的最完美的活动,作为最高的神性单独存在,并在人类发展的最高阶段,希望成为我们的。本文展示了这两个有影响力的概念是如何分别来自亚里士多德学派的两位最伟大的学者泰奥弗拉斯图斯和阿佛洛狄西亚的亚历山大的作品。更重要的是,它表明:(1)概念如何从一种理解发展到另一种理解,这是西方思想中关于从外而来的更大故事的核心,这是一个有趣的哲学故事;(2)这个故事揭示了早期——真正的漫游——接受亚里士多德关于理性的解释(与后来严重柏拉图化的解释形成对比)的关键所在。本文的早期版本于2022年7月在柏林HU上发表。我很感谢观众们的有益评论和令人振奋的讨论,特别是卢卡斯·阿普塞尔、马里纳·布图罗维奇、斯蒂芬·门恩和王志喜。我还要感谢两位匿名的BJHP审稿人提出的宝贵建议。该研究得到了捷克科学基金(项目No. 22-21829S)的支持。注1参见Menn,柏拉图论上帝。2分别参见Iuv. 10 472a22-24和GA .3 736b27-29。在GA II.6 744b21-22.3中还有第三个用法同样令人费解,特别是见DA 90.19-91.4;也见菲洛波努斯,InDA 518.6 - 8,535.4 - 5.4参见康奈尔,“独知”,114,121,129.5见阿威罗伊,长篇评论,389-91,399,432.6见阿奎那,《论统一的知识》2.66-92,5.386-396。关于阿奎那的论述及其影响的概述,请参见霍尔丹和李的《阿奎那论人类启蒙》或埃伯尔的《阿奎那论》关于亚里士多德探究的本质,请特别参阅法尔孔、哥特尔夫、列斐伏尔和莱尼森在《法尔孔和列斐伏尔,亚里士多德的动物世代》中的贡献。学者们讨论的一个主要问题是,整个过程究竟是机械的还是预先编程的,以及它对外部和内部环境的输入有多敏感。关于两种不同的方法,请参见康奈尔的《精液中的活体动物》和亨利的《亚里士多德论表观遗传》当然,这并不意味着,比如说,人类胚胎与马胚胎具有相同的本质(感谢一位匿名裁判提出了这种担忧)。只有前者能成为人,只有后者能成为马,这必然决定了它们的本质是什么。我们将看到,泰奥弗拉斯托斯的叙述有力地说明了这种直觉亚里士多德并没有将女性的角色简化为被动的贡献。参见亨利的《生殖两性关系论》(与亨利合著的《两性关系论》,118-29页)和康奈尔的《亚里士多德论雌性动物》,91-160页,其中有两种方式破坏了这一传统观念。一旦这个过程由雄性材料建立起来,雌性材料也可以做出富有成效的贡献主要参见Moraux有影响力的“À提案”。参见查尔顿,“心灵的地方”,第413-16页,和康奈尔,“只有理智”,第123-25.12页。第三节和第四节旨在给出一个大的画面。为了详细讨论泰奥弗拉斯托斯关于人类个体发生中感官地位的观点,我建议读者参阅我的《人类个体发生》下面讨论的两个保存下来的证词毫无疑问地表明,泰奥弗拉斯托斯心中有GA II.3 736b27-29。事实上,“来自外部”和“来自外部”是近义词,亚里士多德有时会交替使用;在现存的语料库中,泰奥弗拉斯托斯总是使用“来自外部”,即使在亚里士多德更喜欢“来自外部”的语境中也是如此。有关这方面的更多信息,请参阅前面注释中的参考资料参见辛普利西乌斯,In Phys. 964.29-965.6 (271 FHS&G).15参见DA I.1 403a3-16(参见I.4 408b18-30和I.5 411b15-18), II.1 413a6-7和III.4 429a18-b5.16 cf. DA III.4 429a24.17亚里士多德在DA III.4 429a24中的描述在DA III.5 430a10-17中被引用,其中所讨论的理性与物质相比,并被描述为可以“成为一切”的东西。这显然是忒奥弗拉斯托斯的重要背景(参见忒米修斯,InDA 108.18-24 = 320A FHS&G)它的现实性“不是任何物体的现实性”(DA ii . 1413a7)。这并不意味着灵魂的“最一般的描述”根本不适用于意识。 理性大概是人体的现实性因为它决定了这个身体需要是什么样子,也因为它不能脱离身体而存在;泰奥弗拉斯托斯的观点似乎只是说,意识不是身体形式的一部分Theophrastus似乎建立在亚里士多德在DA II.5 417b16-18中所做的对比之上:感知能力的第一次实现已经在胚胎发育期间发生了,而意识还需要发展。20“移动的理性”是泰奥弗拉斯图斯被认为是DA III 5中所谓的代理理性的标签(见忒米修斯,InDA 108.25-27 = 320A FHS&G),他似乎像后来的亚历山大一样,把它理解为一种超越的神圣理性,而不是人类灵魂的组成部分特别参见DA III.7-8 (431b2 - 12,432a3 - 14)和Mem. 1 (449b30-450a7).22因此,泰奥弗拉斯托斯的解读不能与康奈尔正确批评的方法一致,康奈尔在《唯灵论》(Nous Alone)中指出,从外而来的灵的观念是对物质二元论的支持第三次出现的“从外而来的智慧”,在GA II.6, 744b21-22,可以指向同一个方向:“智慧”在这里被认为是户主从外管理他的房子的洞察力/知识,根据theophrastus的说法,这正是“智慧”与每个人的关系。费罗斯。-普鲁塔克费罗斯。V.1.26关于赫拉克利德关于灵魂是一束穿越银河系的光的叙述,见sch<e:1> trumpf,本都的赫拉克利德的证词46-52;他的作品列表见DL 5.86-88。在古代,赫拉克利德经常与《Peripatos》联系在一起,但这是一个有争议的问题。关于赫拉克利德关于灵魂的论述的全面评价,见Kupreeva,“赫拉克利德论灵魂”这一观点可以通过对DA III.4 429b10-22的某些阅读来提出。当泰奥弗拉斯托斯批评亚里士多德的“挑剔”解读暗示“理性甚至不是它本身”时,这可能是他最终想到的29 .参见斯特拉图认为从感觉器官中窥探出来的感觉(塞克斯图斯M 7.349-350,特图良,《动物》14.4-5,普鲁塔克,《论动物的智力》961a = 61, 59, 62 Sharples)对于这种假设的批评,见曼斯菲尔德,“西奥多”,183;参见Mansfeld and Runia, Aëtiana V, 1526-1536.30见Primavesi,“Stollen von Skepsis”,and Rashed, ptolsamsame“al- ghar<e:1> b”,31见亚历山大的菲罗,奥匹夫。Mundi 67.9 -13;另见Somn. 1.30-31.32这场辩论已被重建,特别是由Rashed,“一个‘新’文本”和Menn,“Atticus, Alexander, Porphyry”。在第V-VII节中,我利用这些重建,同时展示了尚未被认识到的泰奥弗拉斯特背景给这场辩论带来的额外光明参见辛普利西乌斯,《物理学》,964.14-23与拉希德,《评论》,369-74.34。为简单起见,我把《论智力》的作者称为“亚历山大”;我把亚历山大在这里报告的观点的人简称为“老师”。关于臭名昭著的作者身份问题,有争议的教师身份问题,以及神秘的“知性论”学说,请参阅我的《来自外部的思想》参见优西比乌斯,PE XV.9.13-14。在这方面,我们可以想到的一位作者是Chaeronea的普鲁塔克(Plutarch),他是我们所知道的第一个富有成效地使用“来自外部的理性”概念的柏拉图主义者,尽管他没有明确提到亚里士多德(参见De genio Socratis 589A-B)关于使泰奥弗拉斯托斯免受这种反对的一个可能的方法,请看我的《人类个体发生学》关于详细的讨论,我建议读者参阅我的《来自外部的思考》见Themistius, InDA 108.1-6 (307A FHS&G) -与Priscianus,干性27.8-14 (307C FHS&G) -关于aporia和Priscianus,干性29.12-15 (311 FHS&G)的解决方案参见Themistius, InDA 108.25-27 (320A FHS&G).41参见Caston, "亚里士多德的论证",171-72.42,他最接近的一次提及是在DA I.4 408b18-30,但这是他对前人的批判性讨论的一部分,可以用不同的方式来解释关于详细的讨论,我建议读者参考Geoffroy,“Tradition arabe”和Davidson, Intellect, 18-29(见83-94)亚历山大似乎接受了亚里士多德的说法,即“被动的理性是易逝的”(430a24-25),这是可以理解的,作为对他自己观点的证实。在同样的背景下,忒米修斯也在37.25-28处使用了“无”的概念。关于忒米修斯对DA III.5 430a23-25和他的对话者的讨论,见我的“忒米修斯反对斑岩”在引用了泰奥弗拉斯之后,他又引用了斯特拉图来达到同样的目的,见辛普利修斯,In Phys. 965.7-18 (41 Sharples).46特别参见InDA 517.34-520.20,以及535.5 - 5,535.32-536.5,537.38-39,538.7-10,539.9-10,540.10-12,541.13-17,542.1-5,584.34-585.2.47参见InGA 84。 理性大概是人体的现实性因为它决定了这个身体需要是什么样子,也因为它不能脱离身体而存在;泰奥弗拉斯托斯的观点似乎只是说,意识不是身体形式的一部分Theophrastus似乎建立在亚里士多德在DA II.5 417b16-18中所做的对比之上:感知能力的第一次实现已经在胚胎发育期间发生了,而意识还需要发展。20“移动的理性”是泰奥弗拉斯图斯被认为是DA III 5中所谓的代理理性的标签(见忒米修斯,InDA 108.25-27 = 320A FHS&G),他似乎像后来的亚历山大一样,把它理解为一种超越的神圣理性,而不是人类灵魂的组成部分特别参见DA III.7-8 (431b2 - 12,432a3 - 14)和Mem. 1 (449b30-450a7).22因此,泰奥弗拉斯托斯的解读不能与康奈尔正确批评的方法一致,康奈尔在《唯灵论》(Nous Alone)中指出,从外而来的灵的观念是对物质二元论的支持第三次出现的“从外而来的智慧”,在GA II.6, 744b21-22,可以指向同一个方向:“智慧”在这里被认为是户主从外管理他的房子的洞察力/知识,根据theophrastus的说法,这正是“智慧”与每个人的关系。费罗斯。-普鲁塔克费罗斯。V.1.26关于赫拉克利德关于灵魂是一束穿越银河系的光的叙述,见sch<e:1> trumpf,本都的赫拉克利德的证词46-52;他的作品列表见DL 5.86-88。在古代,赫拉克利德经常与《Peripatos》联系在一起,但这是一个有争议的问题。关于赫拉克利德关于灵魂的论述的全面评价,见Kupreeva,“赫拉克利德论灵魂”这一观点可以通过对DA III.4 429b10-22的某些阅读来提出。当泰奥弗拉斯托斯批评亚里士多德的“挑剔”解读暗示“理性甚至不是它本身”时,这可能是他最终想到的29 .参见斯特拉图认为从感觉器官中窥探出来的感觉(塞克斯图斯M 7.349-350,特图良,《动物》14.4-5,普鲁塔克,《论动物的智力》961a = 61, 59, 62 Sharples)对于这种假设的批评,见曼斯菲尔德,“西奥多”,183;参见Mansfeld and Runia, Aëtiana V, 1526-1536.30见Primavesi,“Stollen von Skepsis”,and Rashed, ptolsamsame“al- ghar<e:1> b”,31见亚历山大的菲罗,奥匹夫。Mundi 67.9 -13;另见Somn. 1.30-31.32这场辩论已被重建,特别是由Rashed,“一个‘新’文本”和Menn,“Atticus, Alexander, Porphyry”。在第V-VII节中,我利用这些重建,同时展示了尚未被认识到的泰奥弗拉斯特背景给这场辩论带来的额外光明参见辛普利西乌斯,《物理学》,964.14-23与拉希德,《评论》,369-74.34。为简单起见,我把《论智力》的作者称为“亚历山大”;我把亚历山大在这里报告的观点的人简称为“老师”。关于臭名昭著的作者身份问题,有争议的教师身份问题,以及神秘的“知性论”学说,请参阅我的《来自外部的思想》参见优西比乌斯,PE XV.9.13-14。在这方面,我们可以想到的一位作者是Chaeronea的普鲁塔克(Plutarch),他是我们所知道的第一个富有成效地使用“来自外部的理性”概念的柏拉图主义者,尽管他没有明确提到亚里士多德(参见De genio Socratis 589A-B)关于使泰奥弗拉斯托斯免受这种反对的一个可能的方法,请看我的《人类个体发生学》关于详细的讨论,我建议读者参阅我的《来自外部的思考》见Themistius, InDA 108.1-6 (307A FHS&G) -与Priscianus,干性27.8-14 (307C FHS&G) -关于aporia和Priscianus,干性29.12-15 (311 FHS&G)的解决方案参见Themistius, InDA 108.25-27 (320A FHS&G).41参见Caston, "亚里士多德的论证",171-72.42,他最接近的一次提及是在DA I.4 408b18-30,但这是他对前人的批判性讨论的一部分,可以用不同的方式来解释关于详细的讨论,我建议读者参考Geoffroy,“Tradition arabe”和Davidson, Intellect, 18-29(见83-94)亚历山大似乎接受了亚里士多德的说法,即“被动的理性是易逝的”(430a24-25),这是可以理解的,作为对他自己观点的证实。在同样的背景下,忒米修斯也在37.25-28处使用了“无”的概念。关于忒米修斯对DA III.5 430a23-25和他的对话者的讨论,见我的“忒米修斯反对斑岩”在引用了泰奥弗拉斯之后,他又引用了斯特拉图来达到同样的目的,见辛普利修斯,In Phys. 965.7-18 (41 Sharples).46特别参见InDA 517.34-520.20,以及535.5 - 5,535.32-536.5,537.38-39,538.7-10,539.9-10,540.10-12,541.13-17,542.1-5,584.34-585.2.47参见InGA 84。 20-30页,从外部引入知识,作为人类思考能力的最终目标,就像亚历山大和他的老师一样,作为“准备”。在85.27-33和87.11-12(参见InDA 10.24-27)中,不太清楚菲洛波诺斯是如何理解有与无的参见InDA 160.18-27。毫不奇怪,他在这里评论了DA I.4 408b18-30(见注释42)。 20-30页,从外部引入知识,作为人类思考能力的最终目标,就像亚历山大和他的老师一样,作为“准备”。在85.27-33和87.11-12(参见InDA 10.24-27)中,不太清楚菲洛波诺斯是如何理解有与无的参见InDA 160.18-27。毫不奇怪,他在这里评论了DA I.4 408b18-30(见注释42)。
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来源期刊
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1.10
自引率
16.70%
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期刊介绍: BJHP publishes articles and reviews on the history of philosophy and related intellectual history from the ancient world to the end of the 20th Century. The journal is designed to foster understanding of the history of philosophy through studying the texts of past philosophers in the context - intellectual, political and social - in which the text was created. Although focusing on the recognized classics, a feature of the journal is to give attention to less major figures and to disciplines other than philosophy which impinge on the history of philosophy including political theory, religion and the natural sciences in so far as they illuminate the history of philosophy.
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Peter of Mantua and the ‘piecemeal’ conception of substantial change* A taxonomy of divisibilism and Gregory of Rimini’s place Helen Knight and Margaret Macdonald on the meaning of ‘good’ Du Châtelet's causal idealism A resolute reading of Iris Murdoch’s Metaphysics as a Guide to Morals
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