The History and Archaeology of Phoenicia; Phoenician Identity in Context: Material Cultural Koiné in the Iron Age Levant; and Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean

Ann E. Killebrew
{"title":"The History and Archaeology of Phoenicia; Phoenician Identity in Context: Material Cultural Koiné in the Iron Age Levant; and Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean","authors":"Ann E. Killebrew","doi":"10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0366","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The past five years have witnessed a plethora of publications devoted to the Phoenicians and their impact on the Mediterranean world (for an overview of key publications, see Sader 2019: xi and the book reviews by Megan Daniels, Meir Edrey, and Jolanta Młynarczyk in this issue). Three recently published books are critiqued in this review. Two monographs, authored by Hélène Sader and Meir Edrey, examine the history, archaeology, and identity of the Iron Age inhabitants of Phoenicia. These publications are especially significant as they fill a void in Phoenician studies—a field that in the past tended to focus on Phoenician influence outside the Levantine homeland. The third book, by Carolina López-Ruiz, explores the impact of the Phoenicians on cultural exchange and the spreading of their “orientalizing kit” (López-Ruiz’s term; see below) westward, which transformed much of the Iron Age Mediterranean world during the eighth and seventh centuries BCE.Sader’s book, The History and Archaeology of Phoenicia, includes a preface followed by six chapters that examine the origins and etymology of the term Phoenicia (Ch. 1), a survey of Iron Age Phoenicia (Chs. 2 and 3), Phoenician language and material culture (Ch. 4), religion (Ch. 5), economy (Ch. 6), and a conclusion.In her opening preface statement (xi–xv), Sader carefully lays out her approach to the Phoenicians. She begins with a brief summary of relevant publications spanning the past three decades. In contrast to these earlier publications that tended to present a global history of Phoenicia or the Phoenicians, she approaches the topic through the lens of primary textual and archaeological sources from the Phoenician homeland, a template which is used in each chapter. According to Sader, the territory of Phoenicia, as described by first-millennium BCE Greek authors, was dominated and defined by four distinct coastal Levantine polities or kingdoms: Arwad, Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre with their hinterlands. In her preface, she also refutes claims in recent publications that the Phoenicians are a modern invention (see, e.g., Martin 2017; Quinn 2018). Instead, she argues that the inhabitants of these four kingdoms shared a common Semitic language, customs, belief systems, and material culture. Thus, they can rightfully be referred to as “Phoenicians.”Chapter 1 opens with an introduction to the Phoenicians. Sader defines her terminology and builds a foundation upon which the remaining chapters are constructed. This includes the origin and etymology of the name Phoenicia, origins of the Phoenicians (i.e., inhabitants of Phoenicia), chronological and geographic setting, and a summary and discussion of the often problematic textual and archaeological evidence. Two very helpful tables summarize the periodization of excavated sites in northern Phoenicia (table 1.1) and southern Phoenicia (table 1.2).Chapter 2 presents the archaeological evidence from Iron I sites in the Phoenician homeland, which continues Late Bronze Age cultural traditions. Two relevant texts, the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I and the Report of Wenamon, are discussed in detail. Following a survey of several key Iron I sites in Phoenicia, the chapter concludes with a summary of Iron I architecture and funerary practices. Sader notes that in contrast to numerous Late Bronze Age settlements in the eastern Mediterranean that experienced destruction or decline, many Phoenician sites avoided devastation and flourished during the Iron I period following the crisis that marks the end of the Bronze Age.The largest chapter, Chapter 3, explores Phoenicia during the Iron Age II and III (ca. mid-tenth–mid-fourth centuries BCE). It is the longest chapter in this book and is divided into three subsections. In her first section, Sader discusses primary classical sources according to four polities, Arwad, Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre, and provides an overview of each entity’s political history. Based on this evidence, the author establishes that Phoenicia is a first-millennium BCE Greek geographic concept that at its greatest extent included lands south of Ugarit until the Yarkon River, which forms the southern border of the Sharon Plain. The remaining two sections reconstruct the physical characteristics, settlement patterns, distribution of Phoenician sites, and political organization of the Phoenician kingdoms.Chapter 4 delves into the question of Phoenician culture, asking a key question: Is it possible to “isolate identifiers or specific features that can justify considering the culture of the Levantine coast as homogenous . . . or substantial differences singling out individual cultures” (147) through the lens of language and material culture? Shared features of the four kingdoms include language and aspects of material culture. Architecturally there is a lack of uniformity; however, the use of ashlar masonry is a common feature at Phoenician sites. Regional variations between northern and southern Phoenicia are evident in the pottery assemblages. While many luxury items often defined as “Phoenician,” including metal vessels, ivory work, tridacna shells, and painted ostrich eggs, are rare in the Phoenician homeland, Sader maintains that there is sufficient evidence to attribute many of these objects to Phoenician artistic traditions and identity, especially during the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman periods.In Chapter 5, Sader examines the evidence from the four Iron Age coastal Levantine kingdoms to determine if a shared set of religious rituals and deities exists. She subdivides this chapter into five sections: general characteristics as reflected in the textual and epigraphic evidence (5.1), religious architecture (5.2), cultic artifacts (5.3), foreign influences (5.4), and mortuary practices (5.5). Based on the fragmentary epigraphic and non-Phoenician textual sources, Sader argues in favor of a Phoenician religion defined by a common set of beliefs, deities, and rituals. In contrast, the archaeological evidence for built structures of worship from 12 sites presented in Section 5.2 demonstrates that while there is no common plan or features that define Phoenician religious architecture, regional and chronological groups can be distinguished. Cultic objects include ex-votos (especially female figurines), amulets, cultic tools, and vessels. Egyptian and Greek influence on Phoenician beliefs and practices is also discernible. In the final section of Chapter 5, Sader concludes that Phoenician funerary customs are grounded in Near Eastern traditions and include a belief in life after death. She addresses three aspects of Phoenician mortuary practices: architecture, inhumation, and incineration, ending with a note on dog burials.The sixth chapter identifies three parts of the Phoenician economy: trade, agriculture, and industries, especially metallurgy, the production of purple dye, ceramics, and olive oil. Much of the chapter deals with the nature and organization of trade and Levantine Phoenicia’s trading partners, following the template of integrating the primary textual sources, especially Ezekiel 27, and most recent archaeological evidence. In her review of Phoenician trade, Sader concludes that “northern Phoenicia does not seem to have played an active role in Mediterranean trade in the early and even later Iron Age” (276). Rather, as suggested by the limited written sources and supported by the material culture evidence, trade was dominated by the southern Phoenician kingdoms and cities.In her conclusions, Sader concisely sums up the textual, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence, and she convincingly argues for a definable Phoenician culture that was shared by the four coastal Levantine kingdoms and their hinterlands. Though connected by a common culture and language, the southern and northern sites developed independently as best illustrated in the regionality of the excavated material culture. She also observes that the southern kingdoms experienced greater economic and commercial prosperity, which is reflected in both the textual and archaeological evidence.Meir Edrey’s 2019 book, Phoenician Identity in Context: Material Culture Koiné in the Iron Age Levant, also explores the Phoenician phenomenon in its coastal Levantine homeland. In his introduction, Edrey defines Phoenician culture as the Iron Age inheritor of the Late Bronze independent city-state social structure. Through an analysis of the archaeological evidence found at coastal Levantine sites associated with the Phoenicians, he aims to identify a “Phoenician koiné” (or shared material culture) that indicates a common ethnic, religious, cultic, and social identity.Edrey’s volume includes an introduction, seven chapters that explore geographic borders (Ch. 1), the history of Phoenicia (Ch. 2), Phoenician architecture (Ch. 3), maritime culture (Ch. 4), religion and cult (Ch. 5), Phoenician funerary practices (Ch. 6), and ethnicity and identity (Ch. 7), followed by conclusions. Though Edrey bases his analysis on the same primary sources and reaches similar conclusions as Hélène Sader, his approach, treatment, and organization of the body of evidence differ, making these two volumes interesting to compare. Here, the archaeological evidence is arranged by topics rather than by sites or kingdoms, Phoenician funerary practices are separated from religion and cult, and chapters on maritime culture and ethnicity round out the analysis. Edrey’s monograph does not address Phoenician economy or industries specifically.In his opening statement, Edrey surveys the history of archaeological research on the Phoenicians in the eastern Mediterranean, the use and meaning of the term Phoenicia/Phoenician, and gives an overview of various theories regarding Phoenician origins. Based on the continuity of material culture traditions, societal structures, and recent DNA analyses, Edrey argues for continuity beginning with Middle Bronze Age coastal Levantine populations that include an Iranian genetic component. He closes with the observation that names, ancestry, and language are defining and “vital elements of ethnicity” (11). These are cultural features that serve as major starting points for his monograph.Chapters 1 and 2 define the borders and history of Phoenicia spanning the Bronze Age through Iron Age III periods and provide the general framework for the following discussion of specific cultural features that Edrey defines as “Phoenician.” These features include architecture (Ch. 3), beginning with construction methods and techniques, followed by a thematic discussion of the characteristics of the Iron I–Iron III Phoenician city, then of domestic architecture, harbors, and cultic architecture. Each theme is arranged chronologically based on excavations at coastal Levantine sites including Arwad, Byblos, Beirut, Tyre, Tell el-Burak, Sarepta, Achziv, Tel Kabri, Tell Abu-Hawam, Shiqmona, Tel Megadim, and Dor. Edrey concludes that Phoenician architecture is “marked by a stern traditional attitude combined with technological and stylistic evolution” (119). He characterizes temple architecture as a continuation of Bronze Age traditions with features that conform to a uniquely Phoenician temple plan and design, and therefore should be considered a Phoenician cultural marker. Another architectural feature that is unique to first-millennium BCE Phoenicia is the construction of artificial harbors at several sites along the Levantine coast.Edrey’s Chapter 4 explores maritime culture. Navigation, hull construction techniques, various types of boats and ships and anchors are described. As Edrey rightly points out, the Phoenicians are best known as mariners who traversed the Mediterranean Sea, creating a “prosperous and powerful thalassocracy” (121). Drawing on several sources of information including small ceramic boat models, Egyptian wall paintings depicting Canaanite ships, and remains of shipwrecks, he concludes that Phoenician watercraft continued Bronze Age boat and ship traditions. They are characterized by their wide-beam hulls, which could transport large quantities of cargo, and distinctive horse heads that decorated stem and stern.In Chapter 5, Edrey opens his analysis of Phoenician cult with a brief overview of classical, biblical, and later texts that provide information regarding Phoenician deities, rituals, and myths. He also defines religion as “a system of beliefs maintained by an official authority via a complex hierarchy of clergy.” Cult is “the sum of the rituals and practices performed as part of the worship in the religion” (140) or, put differently, the embodiment of worship that can also reflect nonelite forms thereof. What emerges from this chapter is that Phoenician religion in the Levant continues earlier Late Bronze Age beliefs and practices, defined by regional variations and rooted in a common system of beliefs. This is observed in the Phoenician pantheon; in the appearance of baetyls, standing stones, and sacred trees; funerary rites; apotropaic cultic practices; and maritime cults and rituals. The author concludes that the Phoenicians practiced “a pan-Phoenician religion which was rooted in a common system of beliefs” (179) and is best reflected in the material culture record.Phoenician funerary practices are discussed in Chapter 6. Like in the preceding Late Bronze Age, a wide variety of burial customs appear in cemeteries at coastal sites in Phoenicia. They include both inhumation, which is more common in the Iron Age I, and cremation, which increases in popularity during the Iron Age II (first half of the first millennium BCE) when it becomes the dominant form of burial. According to Edrey, both cremation burials and the rich assemblage of vessels and other artifacts that appear in the tombs are characteristic features and signifiers of Phoenician culture.In his final chapter, Edrey tackles the thorny question of Phoenician ethnicity and identity. He evaluates the evidence presented in Chapters 1–6 with an emphasis on common material culture (or Phoenician koiné) and its continuity with Bronze Age coastal Levantine traditions. Although the Phoenicians were not unified politically, the author concludes that they can be considered an ethnic group based on their shared cultural traits that preserved their Canaanite legacy, reflected in their self-ascription and ascription by others as Phoenicians. A short two-and-a-half-page section titled “Conclusions” summarizes the study’s main points and argues compellingly for the Phoenicians’ cultural and economic resilience that distinguishes them from other Levantine peoples.Though not always agreeing on the interpretation of the primary evidence, both Sader’s and Edrey’s very accessible and well-edited monographs reach similar conclusions regarding the existence of an identifiable Phoenician territorial entity, culture, and peoples. Both books present a detailed analysis of the primary textual sources and archaeological evidence, although they differ in their organization of the data and emphasis. The first half of Sader’s book is arranged chronologically and framed through the lens of the history and archaeological evidence of the four Phoenician kingdoms. The second half of her book discusses the three main themes of material culture, religion, and economy. In contrast, Edrey provides a general geographic and historical background to Phoenicia in his first two chapters, followed by thematic chapters that organize the evidence chronologically and with an emphasis on southern Phoenicia. Both books include detailed bibliographies and indices and are richly illustrated. Sader’s figures are integrated into the text of the chapters, while Edrey’s figures appear at the end of the book.Hélène Sader and Meir Edrey are to be congratulated on their meticulously researched and reader-friendly monographs. Read together, they present the most recent information on the Phoenicians in Phoenicia. Their very accessible format, and especially the affordable paperback version of Sader’s study, appeals to a broad audience. They are highly recommended for both students and scholars, but also a general public with interest in an up-to-date discussion of the Phoenicians in their homeland.The third book reviewed here, Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean by Carolina López-Ruiz, is the most recent publication in the spate of monographs devoted to the Phoenicians. This book is unique in its circumscribed chronological limit, mainly focusing on the ninth through sixth centuries BCE, a period that is characterized by Greek and Phoenician colonization and expansionist trade connections throughout the entire Mediterranean region. Chronologically this roughly corresponds to the Archaic period (especially its seventh-century BCE Orientalizing phase) in Greece, the Iron II period in the Levant, and the first half of the Axial Age, a term used to characterize the world-wide transformation of human society during this time. This ground-breaking monograph has received several prestigious book awards including co-winner of the Mediterranean Seminar Best Book Prize (Mediterranean Seminar and the Mediterranean Studies Group at the University of Colorado at Boulder, 2023), the Frank Moore Cross Award (ASOR, 2022), and the Best Subsequent Book Award (Phi Alpha Theta National History Honor Society, 2022).Central to López-Ruiz’s approach is what she terms the “orientalizing kit” that defines Phoenician culture. In her introductory statement, she defines this kit as a set of new technologies and artistic styles found throughout the Mediterranean world. Key to her thesis is the role the Phoenicians played in the development of this kit and its exportation and cultural spread on a pan-Mediterranean scale. Features of this repertoire include symbolic and decorative motifs; pottery technologies, shapes, and decorations; ivory carving and metalwork; terracotta figurines (especially female); monumental stone sculpture; masonry techniques and architectural innovations; burial types and rituals; industrial development; alphabetic writing; and mythological themes and literary models. Her introduction also addresses the fragmented nature of the study of Phoenicians, which requires the piecing together of different types of evidence from a variety of disciplines. Like authors Sader and Edrey, López-Ruiz concludes that the Phoenicians can be defined by their material culture and dismisses the recent “Phoeniciosceptic” approach that disputes the existence of the Phoenicians as an identifiable cultural group with a shared language and heritage.Following the introduction, Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean is divided into two main parts: “Beware of the Greek” and “Follow the Sphinx.” Part I (comprising Chs. 1–3) establishes the framework for her analysis in Part II (Chs. 4–9), which discusses Phoenician influence in the Mediterranean from West (Iberia) to East (the Levant). In Chapter 1 (“Phoenicians Overseas”), in an attempt to “decolonize the Phoenicians” (25–27), López-Ruiz examines various theoretical approaches to colonization, including postcolonial models, highlighting classical biases that dominated previous studies. At the end of Chapter 1, she presents evidence to dispel three heretofore predominant misconceptions regarding Phoenician colonization: Phoenician colonies were not fully urban (rather: trading posts); Phoenicians were mainly seafarers, not farmers; the cultural impact outside of the Phoenician colonies was minor (32–43).The next chapter critiques Hellenocentric double standards of “Greek presence and agency” over Phoenician influence at three key sites: Al-Mina, Lefkandi, and Pithekoussai. Instead, the author argues for a more nuanced postcolonial, network-based, and pan-Mediterranean approach that recognizes the multidirectional flow of influences (61). Part I concludes with Chapter 3 that justifies the use of the terms orientalization and orientalizing as distinct from Orientalism and argues for the existence of Phoenician art. As López-Ruiz astutely concludes, the distribution of the orientalizing kit follows closely the Phoenician trade networks and colonization activities in the Mediterranean, thus justifying the association of the kit and its spread with the Phoenicians (89).“Follow the Sphinx,” Part II, which builds upon the research questions, themes, and definitions explored in Part I, forms the central component of the book. In this section, López-Ruiz utilizes an art historical approach to material culture and carefully traces the appearance of elements of the orientalizing kit and its imitations through a series of case studies. She begins in the west with Iberia and North Africa (Ch. 4), traveling eastward to the central Mediterranean (Ch. 5), on to the Aegean (Ch. 6), inserting a discourse on intangible legacies (Ch. 7), and concludes with Cyprus (Ch. 8) and the Levant (Ch. 9). In each chapter she provides a general background to the region and its interactions with the Phoenicians, followed by a discussion of key sites and specific orientalizing features that appear in the material culture.As López-Ruiz convincingly argues, Phoenician influence, both in its tangible (material culture) and intangible form (e.g., semitic loanwords, rituals, and writing), finds unique expression in each of the regions, traceable in a variety of interactions and reactions to Phoenician activities and presence. For example, in Chapter 4 she observes that Iberian orientalizing is expressed in the “emergence of hybrid practices and expressions, stimulated by contact with Phoenicians either through direct colonization or other commercial and societal relations” (102). In contrast, similar orientalizing features did not develop at North African coastal sites that came into contact with the Phoenicians. In the central Mediterranean regions, the Phoenician colonization of Sardinia also resulted in a hybrid culture expressed in the settlement patterns and burial customs. On Sicily, both Phoenician and Greek influence is evident in cultic structures on the island.In Chapter 6, entitled “The Aegean,” López-Ruiz takes to task conventional interpretations of the oriental style as a separate category during the Archaic period in Greece. Instead, she astutely observes that it is a reflection of “the main trajectory of Greek culture at this time, shaped to its core by Near Eastern entanglements” (176), though in this case not by means of colonization but rather due to the adaptation of Phoenician culture. In addition to a discussion of the well-known orientalizing style in Archaic Greece, López-Ruiz challenges the widely accepted belief that the sphinx in Greek art should be traced back to Egypt. She provides indisputable evidence both from material culture and textual sources that the sphinx motif traveled to and arrived in Greece by means of Levantine Phoenician networks.Chapter 8 examines Cypriot-Phoenician interactions. Historically, the island connected the Aegean and Near Eastern worlds but was never dominated by one cultural tradition. Phoenician influence has often been interpreted as limited in scope, mainly confined to commercial endeavors. Scholarship has gravitated to the “autochthonous theory” that stresses Cyprus’s unique local character. López-Ruiz challenges this view and posits a stronger Phoenician impact on the island, as suggested by the appearance of Egyptianizing Cypriot statues that she attributes to Cypro-Phoenician interaction (272–79).In her final chapter, López-Ruiz concludes the journey that began in Iberia, having now reached the Phoenician homeland and the source of her orientalizing kit. In her final case study, she returns to the volute capital, also known as the Proto-Aeolic capital, which appears in the Levant and at numerous Mediterranean locations associated with the Phoenicians. Following the “itinerary” of these capitals, López-Ruiz argues for a Phoenician pedigree.In her epilogue, the author proposes new directions in the study of the Phoenicians. The extent and scope of their expansion was unique in Mediterranean history and differed from that of the great Near Eastern imperial powers as one based on commercial collaboration with local groups. As the monograph’s case studies illustrate, the Phoenician phenomenon is best expressed in the Phoenicians’ ability to customize their cultural package, López-Ruiz’s orientalizing kit (317).Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean succeeds in its goal of showcasing the Phoenician imprint on the Mediterranean world and challenging the Hellenocentric model that has dominated scholarship of this region. The author is to be congratulated on her landmark study, the award-winning book, that recognizes the great contributions of the Phoenicians to European, North African, and Levantine history and culture.","PeriodicalId":43115,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0366","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ARCHAEOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

The past five years have witnessed a plethora of publications devoted to the Phoenicians and their impact on the Mediterranean world (for an overview of key publications, see Sader 2019: xi and the book reviews by Megan Daniels, Meir Edrey, and Jolanta Młynarczyk in this issue). Three recently published books are critiqued in this review. Two monographs, authored by Hélène Sader and Meir Edrey, examine the history, archaeology, and identity of the Iron Age inhabitants of Phoenicia. These publications are especially significant as they fill a void in Phoenician studies—a field that in the past tended to focus on Phoenician influence outside the Levantine homeland. The third book, by Carolina López-Ruiz, explores the impact of the Phoenicians on cultural exchange and the spreading of their “orientalizing kit” (López-Ruiz’s term; see below) westward, which transformed much of the Iron Age Mediterranean world during the eighth and seventh centuries BCE.Sader’s book, The History and Archaeology of Phoenicia, includes a preface followed by six chapters that examine the origins and etymology of the term Phoenicia (Ch. 1), a survey of Iron Age Phoenicia (Chs. 2 and 3), Phoenician language and material culture (Ch. 4), religion (Ch. 5), economy (Ch. 6), and a conclusion.In her opening preface statement (xi–xv), Sader carefully lays out her approach to the Phoenicians. She begins with a brief summary of relevant publications spanning the past three decades. In contrast to these earlier publications that tended to present a global history of Phoenicia or the Phoenicians, she approaches the topic through the lens of primary textual and archaeological sources from the Phoenician homeland, a template which is used in each chapter. According to Sader, the territory of Phoenicia, as described by first-millennium BCE Greek authors, was dominated and defined by four distinct coastal Levantine polities or kingdoms: Arwad, Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre with their hinterlands. In her preface, she also refutes claims in recent publications that the Phoenicians are a modern invention (see, e.g., Martin 2017; Quinn 2018). Instead, she argues that the inhabitants of these four kingdoms shared a common Semitic language, customs, belief systems, and material culture. Thus, they can rightfully be referred to as “Phoenicians.”Chapter 1 opens with an introduction to the Phoenicians. Sader defines her terminology and builds a foundation upon which the remaining chapters are constructed. This includes the origin and etymology of the name Phoenicia, origins of the Phoenicians (i.e., inhabitants of Phoenicia), chronological and geographic setting, and a summary and discussion of the often problematic textual and archaeological evidence. Two very helpful tables summarize the periodization of excavated sites in northern Phoenicia (table 1.1) and southern Phoenicia (table 1.2).Chapter 2 presents the archaeological evidence from Iron I sites in the Phoenician homeland, which continues Late Bronze Age cultural traditions. Two relevant texts, the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I and the Report of Wenamon, are discussed in detail. Following a survey of several key Iron I sites in Phoenicia, the chapter concludes with a summary of Iron I architecture and funerary practices. Sader notes that in contrast to numerous Late Bronze Age settlements in the eastern Mediterranean that experienced destruction or decline, many Phoenician sites avoided devastation and flourished during the Iron I period following the crisis that marks the end of the Bronze Age.The largest chapter, Chapter 3, explores Phoenicia during the Iron Age II and III (ca. mid-tenth–mid-fourth centuries BCE). It is the longest chapter in this book and is divided into three subsections. In her first section, Sader discusses primary classical sources according to four polities, Arwad, Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre, and provides an overview of each entity’s political history. Based on this evidence, the author establishes that Phoenicia is a first-millennium BCE Greek geographic concept that at its greatest extent included lands south of Ugarit until the Yarkon River, which forms the southern border of the Sharon Plain. The remaining two sections reconstruct the physical characteristics, settlement patterns, distribution of Phoenician sites, and political organization of the Phoenician kingdoms.Chapter 4 delves into the question of Phoenician culture, asking a key question: Is it possible to “isolate identifiers or specific features that can justify considering the culture of the Levantine coast as homogenous . . . or substantial differences singling out individual cultures” (147) through the lens of language and material culture? Shared features of the four kingdoms include language and aspects of material culture. Architecturally there is a lack of uniformity; however, the use of ashlar masonry is a common feature at Phoenician sites. Regional variations between northern and southern Phoenicia are evident in the pottery assemblages. While many luxury items often defined as “Phoenician,” including metal vessels, ivory work, tridacna shells, and painted ostrich eggs, are rare in the Phoenician homeland, Sader maintains that there is sufficient evidence to attribute many of these objects to Phoenician artistic traditions and identity, especially during the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman periods.In Chapter 5, Sader examines the evidence from the four Iron Age coastal Levantine kingdoms to determine if a shared set of religious rituals and deities exists. She subdivides this chapter into five sections: general characteristics as reflected in the textual and epigraphic evidence (5.1), religious architecture (5.2), cultic artifacts (5.3), foreign influences (5.4), and mortuary practices (5.5). Based on the fragmentary epigraphic and non-Phoenician textual sources, Sader argues in favor of a Phoenician religion defined by a common set of beliefs, deities, and rituals. In contrast, the archaeological evidence for built structures of worship from 12 sites presented in Section 5.2 demonstrates that while there is no common plan or features that define Phoenician religious architecture, regional and chronological groups can be distinguished. Cultic objects include ex-votos (especially female figurines), amulets, cultic tools, and vessels. Egyptian and Greek influence on Phoenician beliefs and practices is also discernible. In the final section of Chapter 5, Sader concludes that Phoenician funerary customs are grounded in Near Eastern traditions and include a belief in life after death. She addresses three aspects of Phoenician mortuary practices: architecture, inhumation, and incineration, ending with a note on dog burials.The sixth chapter identifies three parts of the Phoenician economy: trade, agriculture, and industries, especially metallurgy, the production of purple dye, ceramics, and olive oil. Much of the chapter deals with the nature and organization of trade and Levantine Phoenicia’s trading partners, following the template of integrating the primary textual sources, especially Ezekiel 27, and most recent archaeological evidence. In her review of Phoenician trade, Sader concludes that “northern Phoenicia does not seem to have played an active role in Mediterranean trade in the early and even later Iron Age” (276). Rather, as suggested by the limited written sources and supported by the material culture evidence, trade was dominated by the southern Phoenician kingdoms and cities.In her conclusions, Sader concisely sums up the textual, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence, and she convincingly argues for a definable Phoenician culture that was shared by the four coastal Levantine kingdoms and their hinterlands. Though connected by a common culture and language, the southern and northern sites developed independently as best illustrated in the regionality of the excavated material culture. She also observes that the southern kingdoms experienced greater economic and commercial prosperity, which is reflected in both the textual and archaeological evidence.Meir Edrey’s 2019 book, Phoenician Identity in Context: Material Culture Koiné in the Iron Age Levant, also explores the Phoenician phenomenon in its coastal Levantine homeland. In his introduction, Edrey defines Phoenician culture as the Iron Age inheritor of the Late Bronze independent city-state social structure. Through an analysis of the archaeological evidence found at coastal Levantine sites associated with the Phoenicians, he aims to identify a “Phoenician koiné” (or shared material culture) that indicates a common ethnic, religious, cultic, and social identity.Edrey’s volume includes an introduction, seven chapters that explore geographic borders (Ch. 1), the history of Phoenicia (Ch. 2), Phoenician architecture (Ch. 3), maritime culture (Ch. 4), religion and cult (Ch. 5), Phoenician funerary practices (Ch. 6), and ethnicity and identity (Ch. 7), followed by conclusions. Though Edrey bases his analysis on the same primary sources and reaches similar conclusions as Hélène Sader, his approach, treatment, and organization of the body of evidence differ, making these two volumes interesting to compare. Here, the archaeological evidence is arranged by topics rather than by sites or kingdoms, Phoenician funerary practices are separated from religion and cult, and chapters on maritime culture and ethnicity round out the analysis. Edrey’s monograph does not address Phoenician economy or industries specifically.In his opening statement, Edrey surveys the history of archaeological research on the Phoenicians in the eastern Mediterranean, the use and meaning of the term Phoenicia/Phoenician, and gives an overview of various theories regarding Phoenician origins. Based on the continuity of material culture traditions, societal structures, and recent DNA analyses, Edrey argues for continuity beginning with Middle Bronze Age coastal Levantine populations that include an Iranian genetic component. He closes with the observation that names, ancestry, and language are defining and “vital elements of ethnicity” (11). These are cultural features that serve as major starting points for his monograph.Chapters 1 and 2 define the borders and history of Phoenicia spanning the Bronze Age through Iron Age III periods and provide the general framework for the following discussion of specific cultural features that Edrey defines as “Phoenician.” These features include architecture (Ch. 3), beginning with construction methods and techniques, followed by a thematic discussion of the characteristics of the Iron I–Iron III Phoenician city, then of domestic architecture, harbors, and cultic architecture. Each theme is arranged chronologically based on excavations at coastal Levantine sites including Arwad, Byblos, Beirut, Tyre, Tell el-Burak, Sarepta, Achziv, Tel Kabri, Tell Abu-Hawam, Shiqmona, Tel Megadim, and Dor. Edrey concludes that Phoenician architecture is “marked by a stern traditional attitude combined with technological and stylistic evolution” (119). He characterizes temple architecture as a continuation of Bronze Age traditions with features that conform to a uniquely Phoenician temple plan and design, and therefore should be considered a Phoenician cultural marker. Another architectural feature that is unique to first-millennium BCE Phoenicia is the construction of artificial harbors at several sites along the Levantine coast.Edrey’s Chapter 4 explores maritime culture. Navigation, hull construction techniques, various types of boats and ships and anchors are described. As Edrey rightly points out, the Phoenicians are best known as mariners who traversed the Mediterranean Sea, creating a “prosperous and powerful thalassocracy” (121). Drawing on several sources of information including small ceramic boat models, Egyptian wall paintings depicting Canaanite ships, and remains of shipwrecks, he concludes that Phoenician watercraft continued Bronze Age boat and ship traditions. They are characterized by their wide-beam hulls, which could transport large quantities of cargo, and distinctive horse heads that decorated stem and stern.In Chapter 5, Edrey opens his analysis of Phoenician cult with a brief overview of classical, biblical, and later texts that provide information regarding Phoenician deities, rituals, and myths. He also defines religion as “a system of beliefs maintained by an official authority via a complex hierarchy of clergy.” Cult is “the sum of the rituals and practices performed as part of the worship in the religion” (140) or, put differently, the embodiment of worship that can also reflect nonelite forms thereof. What emerges from this chapter is that Phoenician religion in the Levant continues earlier Late Bronze Age beliefs and practices, defined by regional variations and rooted in a common system of beliefs. This is observed in the Phoenician pantheon; in the appearance of baetyls, standing stones, and sacred trees; funerary rites; apotropaic cultic practices; and maritime cults and rituals. The author concludes that the Phoenicians practiced “a pan-Phoenician religion which was rooted in a common system of beliefs” (179) and is best reflected in the material culture record.Phoenician funerary practices are discussed in Chapter 6. Like in the preceding Late Bronze Age, a wide variety of burial customs appear in cemeteries at coastal sites in Phoenicia. They include both inhumation, which is more common in the Iron Age I, and cremation, which increases in popularity during the Iron Age II (first half of the first millennium BCE) when it becomes the dominant form of burial. According to Edrey, both cremation burials and the rich assemblage of vessels and other artifacts that appear in the tombs are characteristic features and signifiers of Phoenician culture.In his final chapter, Edrey tackles the thorny question of Phoenician ethnicity and identity. He evaluates the evidence presented in Chapters 1–6 with an emphasis on common material culture (or Phoenician koiné) and its continuity with Bronze Age coastal Levantine traditions. Although the Phoenicians were not unified politically, the author concludes that they can be considered an ethnic group based on their shared cultural traits that preserved their Canaanite legacy, reflected in their self-ascription and ascription by others as Phoenicians. A short two-and-a-half-page section titled “Conclusions” summarizes the study’s main points and argues compellingly for the Phoenicians’ cultural and economic resilience that distinguishes them from other Levantine peoples.Though not always agreeing on the interpretation of the primary evidence, both Sader’s and Edrey’s very accessible and well-edited monographs reach similar conclusions regarding the existence of an identifiable Phoenician territorial entity, culture, and peoples. Both books present a detailed analysis of the primary textual sources and archaeological evidence, although they differ in their organization of the data and emphasis. The first half of Sader’s book is arranged chronologically and framed through the lens of the history and archaeological evidence of the four Phoenician kingdoms. The second half of her book discusses the three main themes of material culture, religion, and economy. In contrast, Edrey provides a general geographic and historical background to Phoenicia in his first two chapters, followed by thematic chapters that organize the evidence chronologically and with an emphasis on southern Phoenicia. Both books include detailed bibliographies and indices and are richly illustrated. Sader’s figures are integrated into the text of the chapters, while Edrey’s figures appear at the end of the book.Hélène Sader and Meir Edrey are to be congratulated on their meticulously researched and reader-friendly monographs. Read together, they present the most recent information on the Phoenicians in Phoenicia. Their very accessible format, and especially the affordable paperback version of Sader’s study, appeals to a broad audience. They are highly recommended for both students and scholars, but also a general public with interest in an up-to-date discussion of the Phoenicians in their homeland.The third book reviewed here, Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean by Carolina López-Ruiz, is the most recent publication in the spate of monographs devoted to the Phoenicians. This book is unique in its circumscribed chronological limit, mainly focusing on the ninth through sixth centuries BCE, a period that is characterized by Greek and Phoenician colonization and expansionist trade connections throughout the entire Mediterranean region. Chronologically this roughly corresponds to the Archaic period (especially its seventh-century BCE Orientalizing phase) in Greece, the Iron II period in the Levant, and the first half of the Axial Age, a term used to characterize the world-wide transformation of human society during this time. This ground-breaking monograph has received several prestigious book awards including co-winner of the Mediterranean Seminar Best Book Prize (Mediterranean Seminar and the Mediterranean Studies Group at the University of Colorado at Boulder, 2023), the Frank Moore Cross Award (ASOR, 2022), and the Best Subsequent Book Award (Phi Alpha Theta National History Honor Society, 2022).Central to López-Ruiz’s approach is what she terms the “orientalizing kit” that defines Phoenician culture. In her introductory statement, she defines this kit as a set of new technologies and artistic styles found throughout the Mediterranean world. Key to her thesis is the role the Phoenicians played in the development of this kit and its exportation and cultural spread on a pan-Mediterranean scale. Features of this repertoire include symbolic and decorative motifs; pottery technologies, shapes, and decorations; ivory carving and metalwork; terracotta figurines (especially female); monumental stone sculpture; masonry techniques and architectural innovations; burial types and rituals; industrial development; alphabetic writing; and mythological themes and literary models. Her introduction also addresses the fragmented nature of the study of Phoenicians, which requires the piecing together of different types of evidence from a variety of disciplines. Like authors Sader and Edrey, López-Ruiz concludes that the Phoenicians can be defined by their material culture and dismisses the recent “Phoeniciosceptic” approach that disputes the existence of the Phoenicians as an identifiable cultural group with a shared language and heritage.Following the introduction, Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean is divided into two main parts: “Beware of the Greek” and “Follow the Sphinx.” Part I (comprising Chs. 1–3) establishes the framework for her analysis in Part II (Chs. 4–9), which discusses Phoenician influence in the Mediterranean from West (Iberia) to East (the Levant). In Chapter 1 (“Phoenicians Overseas”), in an attempt to “decolonize the Phoenicians” (25–27), López-Ruiz examines various theoretical approaches to colonization, including postcolonial models, highlighting classical biases that dominated previous studies. At the end of Chapter 1, she presents evidence to dispel three heretofore predominant misconceptions regarding Phoenician colonization: Phoenician colonies were not fully urban (rather: trading posts); Phoenicians were mainly seafarers, not farmers; the cultural impact outside of the Phoenician colonies was minor (32–43).The next chapter critiques Hellenocentric double standards of “Greek presence and agency” over Phoenician influence at three key sites: Al-Mina, Lefkandi, and Pithekoussai. Instead, the author argues for a more nuanced postcolonial, network-based, and pan-Mediterranean approach that recognizes the multidirectional flow of influences (61). Part I concludes with Chapter 3 that justifies the use of the terms orientalization and orientalizing as distinct from Orientalism and argues for the existence of Phoenician art. As López-Ruiz astutely concludes, the distribution of the orientalizing kit follows closely the Phoenician trade networks and colonization activities in the Mediterranean, thus justifying the association of the kit and its spread with the Phoenicians (89).“Follow the Sphinx,” Part II, which builds upon the research questions, themes, and definitions explored in Part I, forms the central component of the book. In this section, López-Ruiz utilizes an art historical approach to material culture and carefully traces the appearance of elements of the orientalizing kit and its imitations through a series of case studies. She begins in the west with Iberia and North Africa (Ch. 4), traveling eastward to the central Mediterranean (Ch. 5), on to the Aegean (Ch. 6), inserting a discourse on intangible legacies (Ch. 7), and concludes with Cyprus (Ch. 8) and the Levant (Ch. 9). In each chapter she provides a general background to the region and its interactions with the Phoenicians, followed by a discussion of key sites and specific orientalizing features that appear in the material culture.As López-Ruiz convincingly argues, Phoenician influence, both in its tangible (material culture) and intangible form (e.g., semitic loanwords, rituals, and writing), finds unique expression in each of the regions, traceable in a variety of interactions and reactions to Phoenician activities and presence. For example, in Chapter 4 she observes that Iberian orientalizing is expressed in the “emergence of hybrid practices and expressions, stimulated by contact with Phoenicians either through direct colonization or other commercial and societal relations” (102). In contrast, similar orientalizing features did not develop at North African coastal sites that came into contact with the Phoenicians. In the central Mediterranean regions, the Phoenician colonization of Sardinia also resulted in a hybrid culture expressed in the settlement patterns and burial customs. On Sicily, both Phoenician and Greek influence is evident in cultic structures on the island.In Chapter 6, entitled “The Aegean,” López-Ruiz takes to task conventional interpretations of the oriental style as a separate category during the Archaic period in Greece. Instead, she astutely observes that it is a reflection of “the main trajectory of Greek culture at this time, shaped to its core by Near Eastern entanglements” (176), though in this case not by means of colonization but rather due to the adaptation of Phoenician culture. In addition to a discussion of the well-known orientalizing style in Archaic Greece, López-Ruiz challenges the widely accepted belief that the sphinx in Greek art should be traced back to Egypt. She provides indisputable evidence both from material culture and textual sources that the sphinx motif traveled to and arrived in Greece by means of Levantine Phoenician networks.Chapter 8 examines Cypriot-Phoenician interactions. Historically, the island connected the Aegean and Near Eastern worlds but was never dominated by one cultural tradition. Phoenician influence has often been interpreted as limited in scope, mainly confined to commercial endeavors. Scholarship has gravitated to the “autochthonous theory” that stresses Cyprus’s unique local character. López-Ruiz challenges this view and posits a stronger Phoenician impact on the island, as suggested by the appearance of Egyptianizing Cypriot statues that she attributes to Cypro-Phoenician interaction (272–79).In her final chapter, López-Ruiz concludes the journey that began in Iberia, having now reached the Phoenician homeland and the source of her orientalizing kit. In her final case study, she returns to the volute capital, also known as the Proto-Aeolic capital, which appears in the Levant and at numerous Mediterranean locations associated with the Phoenicians. Following the “itinerary” of these capitals, López-Ruiz argues for a Phoenician pedigree.In her epilogue, the author proposes new directions in the study of the Phoenicians. The extent and scope of their expansion was unique in Mediterranean history and differed from that of the great Near Eastern imperial powers as one based on commercial collaboration with local groups. As the monograph’s case studies illustrate, the Phoenician phenomenon is best expressed in the Phoenicians’ ability to customize their cultural package, López-Ruiz’s orientalizing kit (317).Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean succeeds in its goal of showcasing the Phoenician imprint on the Mediterranean world and challenging the Hellenocentric model that has dominated scholarship of this region. The author is to be congratulated on her landmark study, the award-winning book, that recognizes the great contributions of the Phoenicians to European, North African, and Levantine history and culture.
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腓尼基的历史与考古研究语境中的腓尼基人身份:铁器时代黎凡特的物质文化交融腓尼基人和地中海的形成
在过去的五年里,有大量的出版物专门研究腓尼基人及其对地中海世界的影响(有关主要出版物的概述,请参阅Sader 2019: xi和Megan Daniels, Meir Edrey和Jolanta Młynarczyk在本期的书评)。这篇评论对三本最近出版的书进行了评论。hl<e:1> Sader和Meir Edrey撰写的两本专著研究了腓尼基铁器时代居民的历史、考古和身份。这些出版物尤其重要,因为它们填补了腓尼基人研究的空白——这个领域过去倾向于关注腓尼基人在黎凡特家园以外的影响。第三本书,卡罗琳娜López-Ruiz,探讨了腓尼基人对文化交流的影响,以及他们的“东方化工具包”(López-Ruiz的术语;(见下文),在公元前8世纪和7世纪,它改变了铁器时代地中海世界的大部分地区。萨德尔的书《腓尼基的历史和考古》包括前言,随后是六章,研究了腓尼基一词的起源和词源(第1章),铁器时代腓尼基的调查(第2章和第3章),腓尼基人的语言和物质文化(第4章),宗教(第5章),经济(第6章)和结论。在她的开篇序言声明(xi-xv)中,萨德尔仔细地列出了她对腓尼基人的看法。她首先简要总结了过去三十年的相关出版物。与这些早期出版物倾向于呈现腓尼基或腓尼基人的全球历史相比,她通过腓尼基家乡的主要文本和考古来源的镜头来处理这个主题,每个章节都使用了一个模板。根据萨德尔的说法,腓尼基的领土,正如公元前一千年希腊作家所描述的那样,被四个不同的沿海黎凡特政治或王国所统治和界定:阿尔瓦德、比布罗斯、西顿和提尔及其腹地。在她的序言中,她还驳斥了最近出版物中关于腓尼基人是现代发明的说法(参见,例如,Martin 2017;奎因2018)。相反,她认为这四个王国的居民拥有共同的闪米特语言、习俗、信仰体系和物质文化。因此,他们可以理所当然地被称为“腓尼基人”。第一章以腓尼基人的介绍开篇。Sader定义了她的术语,并建立了一个基础,在此基础上构建其余章节。这包括腓尼基这个名字的起源和词源,腓尼基人(即腓尼基居民)的起源,时间和地理背景,以及对经常有问题的文本和考古证据的总结和讨论。两个非常有用的表格总结了北腓尼基(表1.1)和南腓尼基(表1.2)出土遗址的年代划分。第二章介绍了腓尼基人故乡的铁器时代遗址的考古证据,这些遗址延续了青铜时代晚期的文化传统。两个相关的文本,《提革拉-皮列泽一世编年史》和《韦纳蒙报告》,被详细讨论。在对腓尼基几个重要的铁器时代遗址进行调查之后,本章总结了铁器时代的建筑和丧葬习俗。萨德尔指出,与许多青铜时代晚期地中海东部的定居点经历了破坏或衰落相比,许多腓尼基遗址避免了破坏,并在标志着青铜时代结束的危机之后的铁器时期繁荣起来。最大的一章,第3章,探讨了铁器时代II和III(约公元前10世纪中期至公元前4世纪中期)的腓尼基。这是本书中最长的一章,分为三个小节。在她的第一部分中,Sader根据四个政体,Arwad, Byblos, Sidon和Tyre讨论了主要的古典资料,并提供了每个政体的政治历史概述。根据这一证据,作者确定腓尼基是公元前一千年希腊的地理概念,其最大范围包括乌加里特以南的土地,直到形成沙伦平原南部边界的Yarkon河。剩下的两个部分重建了腓尼基王国的物理特征、定居模式、腓尼基遗址的分布和政治组织。第4章深入探讨腓尼基文化的问题,提出一个关键问题:是否有可能“分离出可以证明认为黎凡特海岸文化是同质的标识符或特定特征……”还是通过语言和物质文化的视角来区分个体文化的实质性差异”(147)?四大王国的共同特征包括语言和物质文化方面。在建筑上缺乏统一性;然而,在腓尼基遗址中,使用细石砌筑是一个普遍的特征。 腓尼基北部和南部之间的地区差异在陶器组合中很明显。虽然许多奢侈品通常被定义为“腓尼基”,包括金属器皿、象牙制品、砗砗螈贝壳和彩绘鸵鸟蛋,在腓尼基人的家乡是罕见的,但Sader坚持认为,有足够的证据表明,这些物品中的许多都属于腓尼基人的艺术传统和身份,特别是在波斯、希腊化和罗马时期。在第五章中,萨德尔检查了来自四个铁器时代沿海黎凡特王国的证据,以确定是否存在一套共同的宗教仪式和神灵。她将这一章细分为五个部分:反映在文本和铭文证据中的一般特征(5.1),宗教建筑(5.2),邪教文物(5.3),外国影响(5.4)和殡葬习俗(5.5)。基于零碎的铭文和非腓尼基文本来源,Sader认为腓尼基宗教是由一套共同的信仰、神和仪式定义的。相比之下,第5.2节中展示的12个地点的宗教建筑的考古证据表明,虽然没有共同的规划或特征来定义腓尼基宗教建筑,但可以区分区域和时间组。祭祀物品包括前神像(尤其是女性雕像)、护身符、祭祀工具和器皿。埃及和希腊对腓尼基人的信仰和习俗的影响也是显而易见的。在第五章的最后一部分,Sader总结说腓尼基人的丧葬习俗是建立在近东传统的基础上的,包括对死后生命的信仰。她讲述了腓尼基人殡葬实践的三个方面:建筑、人类化和焚化,并以关于狗葬的笔记结束。第六章确定了腓尼基经济的三个部分:贸易、农业和工业,特别是冶金、紫色染料生产、陶瓷和橄榄油。这一章的大部分内容涉及贸易的性质和组织,以及黎凡特腓尼基的贸易伙伴,遵循整合主要文本来源的模板,尤其是以西结书27章,以及最近的考古证据。在她对腓尼基贸易的回顾中,Sader得出结论:“在铁器时代早期甚至晚期,北腓尼基似乎并没有在地中海贸易中发挥积极作用”(276)。相反,正如有限的书面资料和物质文化证据所表明的那样,贸易是由南部腓尼基王国和城市主导的。在她的结论中,Sader简明地总结了文本、铭文和考古证据,并令人信服地论证了四个沿海黎凡特王国及其腹地共享的腓尼基文化。南北遗址虽然有共同的文化和语言联系,但各自独立发展,这在出土物质文化的地域性中得到了最好的说明。她还观察到,南方王国经历了更大的经济和商业繁荣,这在文字和考古证据中都有所反映。梅尔·埃德里(Meir Edrey) 2019年出版的《语境中的腓尼基人身份:铁器时代黎凡特的物质文化共生》一书也探讨了腓尼基人在其沿海黎凡特家园的现象。在他的引言中,Edrey将腓尼基文化定义为青铜时代晚期独立城邦社会结构的铁器时代继承者。通过对在黎凡特沿海遗址发现的与腓尼基人有关的考古证据的分析,他旨在确定一种“腓尼基人共同文化”(或共享的物质文化),这种文化表明了共同的种族、宗教、邪教和社会身份。Edrey的卷包括介绍,七章探索地理边界(第1章),腓尼基历史(第2章),腓尼基建筑(第3章),海洋文化(第4章),宗教和邪教(第5章),腓尼基丧葬习俗(第6章),以及种族和身份(第7章),然后是结论。尽管Edrey的分析基于相同的原始资料,并得出了与hsam<s:1> rene Sader相似的结论,但他的方法、处理方法和证据体的组织方式不同,这使得这两本书比较起来很有趣。在这里,考古证据是按主题排列的,而不是按地点或王国排列的,腓尼基人的丧葬习俗与宗教和邪教分开,关于海洋文化和种族的章节完善了分析。埃德里的专著并没有专门论述腓尼基人的经济或工业。在他的开场白中,Edrey调查了地中海东部腓尼基人的考古研究历史,腓尼基人/腓尼基人这个词的使用和意义,并概述了关于腓尼基人起源的各种理论。 基于物质文化传统、社会结构的延续性和最近的DNA分析,Edrey认为延续性始于青铜时代中期沿海黎凡特人群,其中包括伊朗遗传成分。他在结尾处观察到,名字、祖先和语言是定义和“种族的重要因素”(11)。这些文化特征是他的专著的主要出发点。第一章和第二章定义了腓尼基从青铜时代到铁器时代的边界和历史,并为接下来讨论埃德雷定义为“腓尼基人”的具体文化特征提供了总体框架。这些特征包括建筑(第3章),从建筑方法和技术开始,然后是对铁i -铁III腓尼基城市特征的专题讨论,然后是国内建筑,港口和宗教建筑。每个主题都是根据在沿海黎凡特遗址的挖掘按时间顺序排列的,包括阿尔瓦德、比布鲁斯、贝鲁特、提尔、泰尔·el-Burak、Sarepta、Achziv、泰尔·卡布里、泰尔·阿布·哈瓦姆、Shiqmona、泰尔·Megadim和多尔。Edrey总结说腓尼基建筑“以严格的传统态度与技术和风格的演变相结合”(119)。他将神庙建筑描述为青铜时代传统的延续,其特征符合独特的腓尼基神庙规划和设计,因此应被视为腓尼基文化标志。公元前一千年腓尼基的另一个独特的建筑特征是在黎凡特沿岸的几个地点建造了人工港口。埃德里的第四章探讨了海洋文化。介绍了航行、船体建造技术、各种类型的船和船以及锚。正如埃德里正确指出的那样,腓尼基人最为人所知的是穿越地中海的航海家,他们创造了一个“繁荣而强大的地中海帝国”(121页)。根据几种信息来源,包括小型陶瓷船模型、描绘迦南船只的埃及壁画和沉船残骸,他得出结论,腓尼基人的船只延续了青铜时代的船只和船只传统。它们的特点是宽梁船体,可以运输大量货物,以及装饰船尾和船尾的独特马头。在第5章中,Edrey以简要概述古典,圣经和后来的文本开始他对腓尼基崇拜的分析,这些文本提供了有关腓尼基神,仪式和神话的信息。他还将宗教定义为“一种由官方权威通过复杂的神职人员等级制度维持的信仰体系”。邪教是“作为宗教崇拜的一部分而进行的仪式和实践的总和”(140),或者换句话说,是崇拜的体现,也可以反映其非精英形式。从这一章中可以看出,黎凡特的腓尼基宗教延续了青铜时代晚期的信仰和实践,这些信仰和实践由地区差异定义,植根于共同的信仰体系。这在腓尼基的万神殿中可以观察到;出现了仙女、立石和圣树;丧葬仪式;消邪仪式;还有海上崇拜和仪式。作者的结论是,腓尼基人实行“一种植根于共同信仰体系的泛腓尼基宗教”(179),这在物质文化记录中得到了最好的反映。第六章讨论腓尼基人的丧葬习俗。与之前的青铜时代晚期一样,腓尼基沿海地区的墓地中出现了各种各样的埋葬习俗。它们包括在铁器时代I更常见的土葬,以及在铁器时代II(公元前一千年前半期)成为主要埋葬形式的火葬。根据Edrey的说法,火葬和坟墓中出现的丰富的容器和其他文物组合都是腓尼基文化的特征和象征。在书的最后一章,埃德里处理了腓尼基人种族和身份的棘手问题。他评估了第1-6章中提出的证据,强调了共同的物质文化(或腓尼基人的共同文化)及其与青铜时代沿海黎凡特传统的连续性。尽管腓尼基人在政治上没有统一,但作者认为,基于他们共同的文化特征,他们保留了迦南遗产,反映在他们的自我归属和他人的腓尼基人归属上,他们可以被视为一个民族。一个名为“结论”的简短的两页半部分总结了研究的主要观点,并令人信服地论证了腓尼基人的文化和经济弹性,这使他们与其他黎凡特民族区别开来。 尽管对主要证据的解释并不总是一致,但Sader和Edrey的非常容易理解且编辑良好的专著都得出了类似的结论,即存在一个可识别的腓尼基领土实体、文化和民族。这两本书提出了主要的文本来源和考古证据的详细分析,虽然他们在数据的组织和重点不同。萨德尔的书的前半部分是按时间顺序排列的,并通过四个腓尼基王国的历史和考古证据进行了安排。书的后半部分讨论了物质文化、宗教、经济三大主题。相比之下,埃德里在他的前两章中提供了腓尼基的一般地理和历史背景,然后是按时间顺序组织证据的主题章节,重点是腓尼基南部。两本书都包括详细的参考书目和索引,并有丰富的插图。Sader的人物形象被整合到章节的正文中,而Edrey的人物形象出现在书的末尾。hendrix sade和Meir Edrey对他们精心研究和读者友好的专著表示祝贺。一起阅读,它们呈现了腓尼基人在腓尼基的最新信息。他们非常容易理解的格式,尤其是价格实惠的平装本的萨德尔的研究,吸引了广泛的受众。强烈推荐给学生和学者,以及对腓尼基人在他们家乡的最新讨论感兴趣的普通公众。这里要回顾的第三本书是《腓尼基人和地中海的形成》,作者是Carolina López-Ruiz,这是一大批关于腓尼基人的专著中最新的一本。这本书的独特之处在于它的时间限制,主要集中在公元前9世纪到公元前6世纪,这一时期的特点是希腊和腓尼基人的殖民和扩张主义贸易联系贯穿整个地中海地区。按时间顺序,这大致对应于希腊的古代时期(特别是公元前7世纪的东方化阶段),黎凡特的铁器二世时期,以及轴心时代的前半部分,轴心时代是用来描述这一时期人类社会的世界性转变的一个术语。这本开创性的专著获得了几个著名的图书奖,包括地中海研讨会最佳图书奖(地中海研讨会和地中海研究小组在科罗拉多大学博尔德分校,2023年),弗兰克·摩尔·克罗斯奖(ASOR, 2022年)和最佳后续图书奖(Phi Alpha Theta国家历史荣誉协会,2022年)的共同获奖者。López-Ruiz方法的核心是她所说的“东方化工具包”,它定义了腓尼基文化。在她的介绍中,她将这套套件定义为一套在地中海世界发现的新技术和艺术风格。她论文的关键是腓尼基人在这套工具的发展及其在泛地中海范围内的出口和文化传播中所起的作用。这些曲目的特点包括象征性和装饰性的主题;陶器的工艺、形状和装饰;象牙雕刻和金属制品;兵马俑(尤指女性);纪念性石雕;砌体技术和建筑创新;埋葬类型和仪式;工业发展;拼音文字;以及神话主题和文学模式。她的介绍还指出了腓尼基人研究的碎片性,这需要将来自不同学科的不同类型的证据拼凑在一起。与作者Sader和Edrey一样,López-Ruiz得出结论认为腓尼基人可以通过他们的物质文化来定义,并驳斥了最近的“腓尼基怀疑论者”的观点,该观点质疑腓尼基人作为一个具有共同语言和遗产的可识别文化群体的存在。在介绍之后,腓尼基人和地中海的形成分为两个主要部分:“提防希腊人”和“跟随狮身人面像”。第一部分(包括1-3章)为她在第二部分(4-9章)中的分析建立了框架,第二部分讨论了腓尼基人在地中海从西(伊比利亚)到东(黎凡特)的影响。在第1章(“海外腓尼基人”)中,为了尝试“非殖民化腓尼基人”(25-27),López-Ruiz研究了各种殖民理论方法,包括后殖民模型,突出了主导先前研究的经典偏见。在第一章的末尾,她提出了证据来消除关于腓尼基殖民的三个迄今为止主要的误解:腓尼基殖民地不是完全城市化的(而是贸易站);腓尼基人主要是海员,而不是农民;腓尼基殖民地以外的文化影响很小(32-43)。 《腓尼基人和地中海的形成》成功地展示了腓尼基人在地中海世界的印记,并挑战了主导该地区学术研究的希腊中心论模式。值得祝贺的是作者的里程碑式的研究,这本获奖的书,承认腓尼基人对欧洲、北非和黎凡特历史和文化的巨大贡献。
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来源期刊
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1.10
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期刊介绍: Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies (JEMAHS) is a peer-reviewed journal devoted to traditional, anthropological, social, and applied archaeologies of the Eastern Mediterranean, encompassing both prehistoric and historic periods. The journal’s geographic range spans three continents and brings together, as no academic periodical has done before, the archaeologies of Greece and the Aegean, Anatolia, the Levant, Cyprus, Egypt and North Africa. As the publication will not be identified with any particular archaeological discipline, the editors invite articles from all varieties of professionals who work on the past cultures of the modern countries bordering the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. Similarly, a broad range of topics are covered, including, but by no means limited to: Excavation and survey field results; Landscape archaeology and GIS; Underwater archaeology; Archaeological sciences and archaeometry; Material culture studies; Ethnoarchaeology; Social archaeology; Conservation and heritage studies; Cultural heritage management; Sustainable tourism development; and New technologies/virtual reality.
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