Ethnic belonging, kinship, and wealth: local politics of descent and group formation in a Roma community

Töhötöm Szabó
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The family histories of the descent – besides referring to supposed Hungarian ancestors/relatives – are told in terms of work ethic, education, and religious life that all resulted in wealth, thus creating a new local ethnic group whose members constantly contest their Roma ethnic belonging and delimit themselves from the ordinary Roma. This in-betweenness unfolds the certainties and uncertainties of social and economic life, the identities between self, family, and community. The case can be perceived as an example of the dynamics of local social life and offer a view on the renegotiation of group formation and ethnic boundaries.KEYWORDS: Ethnic belongingkinshipcapitalagencyin-between Disclosure statementsNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. I deliberately do not narrow the fieldwork locales further. Nor do I present the village analysed here in detail.2. Szeklerland: the eastern part of Transylvania inhabited by Szeklers (Hungarian ethnic group), encompassing today’s Harghita and Covasna counties and part of Mureș County.3. For a more detailed presentation, see later and in my previous work (see Szabó Citation2019). These categories are primarily, as will be shown below, related to work, but they also carry important identification meanings.4. The last 10–15 years have seen a decline in demand for wicker products and a restructuring of the market. Many Roma are also responding to this challenge by working abroad (see Szabó Citation2019).5. On the village, Roma groups and labour migration, see also (Szabó Citation2019). One important note: the model could not cover the Roma community in its entirety. There are families that have a specific position within the Roma community, they could also cross borders. In the 2000s, an entrepreneur emerged from among the workers who today, based on his economic activity, would be classified as a manager, but his lack of social capital and the opposition of managers still keep him outside this group. Also, since the 2000s, a few tent-dweller (sátoros, sátor = tent) families speaking the Vlach-Gipsy language have appeared. Neither the Hungarians nor the local Roma have any contact with them.6. All my respondents whom I quote are local male basket weavers, members of the elite group. I identify them with their year of birth. For two respondents born in the same year (1950) I write a distinctive “a” and “b” next to the year.7. DAHR = Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövetség, RMDSZ, an acronym used almost exclusively to make a reference to this political party).8. It should therefore be stressed: in the framework of the discursive strategies of the local world, both “Roma” and “Gypsy” can be perceived as stigma and do have a negative impact on local relations. It cannot simply be said that the analysis uses the ethnonym “Gypsy,” because that is what the locals use. The locals (the Roma), when examined more closely, prefer to use neither. This is why I decided to use the Roma ethnonym, because it is not so prejudiced in discourses outside the village.9. I will not take the analysis in this direction, but it is worth paying attention to how this feature provides a biological explanation for the distribution of basically cultural competences.10. Master of Folk Art = Népművészet Mestere, a prize awarded by Hungarian organizations.Additional informationNotes on contributorsTöhötöm SzabóÁrpád Töhötöm Szabó works as an associate professor at the Department of Hungarian Ethnography and Anthropology, Babeş-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. He received his PhD in ethnology and cultural anthropology from the University of Debrecen, Hungary. His research interests fall within the area of economic, social, and political anthropology. He conducted research mostly in Transylvanian rural communities (but also in urban settings) concentrating especially on topics such as mutuality and reciprocity in economic and social life, interethnic relations, the ethnic background of economic activities (with a special focus on Roma communities), changes and reconstruction of rurality, local ecological knowledge and agricultural restructuration, and histories and narratives of socialism and post-socialism.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"3 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2277080","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

ABSTRACTThe present study investigates the case of a Hungarian-speaking Roma community in a Szekler village (Transylvania) from the perspectives of (contested) ethnic belonging, kinship, and different forms of capital, and presents the struggles of a relatively newly formed group within this community for finding new social and ethnic positions in relation with their Roma fellows and also with the Hungarian/Szekler majority. The members of this new group are the most successful in basket weaving, the special craft of local Roma, while they also share a common family history when they link their descent to a funding father who raised 11 children. The family histories of the descent – besides referring to supposed Hungarian ancestors/relatives – are told in terms of work ethic, education, and religious life that all resulted in wealth, thus creating a new local ethnic group whose members constantly contest their Roma ethnic belonging and delimit themselves from the ordinary Roma. This in-betweenness unfolds the certainties and uncertainties of social and economic life, the identities between self, family, and community. The case can be perceived as an example of the dynamics of local social life and offer a view on the renegotiation of group formation and ethnic boundaries.KEYWORDS: Ethnic belongingkinshipcapitalagencyin-between Disclosure statementsNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. I deliberately do not narrow the fieldwork locales further. Nor do I present the village analysed here in detail.2. Szeklerland: the eastern part of Transylvania inhabited by Szeklers (Hungarian ethnic group), encompassing today’s Harghita and Covasna counties and part of Mureș County.3. For a more detailed presentation, see later and in my previous work (see Szabó Citation2019). These categories are primarily, as will be shown below, related to work, but they also carry important identification meanings.4. The last 10–15 years have seen a decline in demand for wicker products and a restructuring of the market. Many Roma are also responding to this challenge by working abroad (see Szabó Citation2019).5. On the village, Roma groups and labour migration, see also (Szabó Citation2019). One important note: the model could not cover the Roma community in its entirety. There are families that have a specific position within the Roma community, they could also cross borders. In the 2000s, an entrepreneur emerged from among the workers who today, based on his economic activity, would be classified as a manager, but his lack of social capital and the opposition of managers still keep him outside this group. Also, since the 2000s, a few tent-dweller (sátoros, sátor = tent) families speaking the Vlach-Gipsy language have appeared. Neither the Hungarians nor the local Roma have any contact with them.6. All my respondents whom I quote are local male basket weavers, members of the elite group. I identify them with their year of birth. For two respondents born in the same year (1950) I write a distinctive “a” and “b” next to the year.7. DAHR = Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövetség, RMDSZ, an acronym used almost exclusively to make a reference to this political party).8. It should therefore be stressed: in the framework of the discursive strategies of the local world, both “Roma” and “Gypsy” can be perceived as stigma and do have a negative impact on local relations. It cannot simply be said that the analysis uses the ethnonym “Gypsy,” because that is what the locals use. The locals (the Roma), when examined more closely, prefer to use neither. This is why I decided to use the Roma ethnonym, because it is not so prejudiced in discourses outside the village.9. I will not take the analysis in this direction, but it is worth paying attention to how this feature provides a biological explanation for the distribution of basically cultural competences.10. Master of Folk Art = Népművészet Mestere, a prize awarded by Hungarian organizations.Additional informationNotes on contributorsTöhötöm SzabóÁrpád Töhötöm Szabó works as an associate professor at the Department of Hungarian Ethnography and Anthropology, Babeş-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. He received his PhD in ethnology and cultural anthropology from the University of Debrecen, Hungary. His research interests fall within the area of economic, social, and political anthropology. He conducted research mostly in Transylvanian rural communities (but also in urban settings) concentrating especially on topics such as mutuality and reciprocity in economic and social life, interethnic relations, the ethnic background of economic activities (with a special focus on Roma communities), changes and reconstruction of rurality, local ecological knowledge and agricultural restructuration, and histories and narratives of socialism and post-socialism.
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民族归属、亲属关系和财富:罗马社区的血统和群体形成的地方政治
摘要本研究从(有争议的)民族归属、亲属关系和不同形式的资本的角度,调查了特兰西瓦尼亚(特兰西瓦尼亚)一个讲匈牙利语的罗姆人社区的案例,并呈现了这个社区中一个相对较新形成的群体在与罗姆人同胞以及匈牙利/塞克勒多数人的关系中寻找新的社会和种族地位的斗争。这个新群体的成员在编织篮子方面最为成功,这是当地罗姆人的特殊工艺,同时他们也有共同的家族史,他们的血统与一位养育了11个孩子的资助父亲有关。除了提到所谓的匈牙利祖先/亲戚外,他们的家族历史还从职业道德、教育和宗教生活等方面讲述,这些都带来了财富,从而创造了一个新的当地族群,其成员不断争夺自己的罗姆族群归属,并将自己与普通罗姆人划清界限。这种中间性揭示了社会和经济生活的确定性和不确定性,以及自我、家庭和社区之间的身份。该案例可以被视为当地社会生活动态的一个例子,并提供了关于群体形成和种族边界重新谈判的观点。关键词:民族归属亲属资本中介披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。我故意不进一步缩小实地考察的范围。我也不详细介绍这里所分析的村庄。舍克勒兰:特兰西瓦尼亚东部的舍克勒人(匈牙利民族)聚居地,包括今天的哈尔吉塔县和科瓦斯纳县以及穆列乌斯县的一部分。有关更详细的介绍,请参阅稍后和我以前的工作(参见Szabó Citation2019)。如下所示,这些分类主要与工作有关,但它们也具有重要的识别意义。在过去的10-15年里,柳条产品的需求有所下降,市场也在重组。许多罗姆人也通过在国外工作来应对这一挑战(见Szabó Citation2019)。关于村庄、罗姆人群体和劳动力迁移,另见(Szabó Citation2019)。一个重要的注意事项是:该模式不能涵盖整个罗姆人社区。有些家庭在罗姆社区中有特定的地位,他们也可以跨越国界。在2000年代,从今天的工人中出现了一名企业家,根据他的经济活动,他将被归类为经理,但他缺乏社会资本和经理的反对仍然将他排除在这个群体之外。此外,自2000年代以来,出现了一些使用vach -吉普赛语言的帐篷居民(sátoros, sátor =帐篷)家庭。匈牙利人和当地的罗姆人都与他们没有任何联系。我引用的所有受访者都是当地的男性编织者,精英群体的成员。我用他们的出生年份来识别他们。对于出生于同一年(1950年)的两名受访者,我在年份旁边写了一个明显的“a”和“b”。7 . DAHR =罗马尼亚匈牙利人民主联盟(Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövetség, RMDSZ,这个缩写词几乎专门用来指这个政党)。因此,应该强调:在当地世界的话语策略框架中,“罗姆人”和“吉普赛人”都可以被视为耻辱,并且确实对当地关系产生负面影响。不能简单地说,分析使用了“吉普赛人”这个民族名,因为这是当地人使用的。当地人(罗姆人),当仔细观察时,更喜欢两者都不使用。这就是为什么我决定使用罗姆这个民族名,因为它在村庄以外的话语中不那么带有偏见。我不会朝这个方向进行分析,但值得注意的是,这一特征是如何为基本文化能力的分布提供生物学解释的。民间艺术大师= Népművészet Mestere,匈牙利组织颁发的奖项。关于contributorsTöhötöm SzabóÁrpád Töhötöm Szabó的说明,他是罗马尼亚克卢日纳波卡市博雅大学匈牙利民族志和人类学系的副教授。他在匈牙利德布勒森大学获得民族学和文化人类学博士学位。他的研究兴趣集中在经济、社会和政治人类学领域。他主要在特兰西瓦尼亚农村社区(但也在城市环境中)进行研究,特别关注经济和社会生活中的相互性和互惠性、种族间关系、经济活动的种族背景(特别关注罗姆社区)、农村的变化和重建、当地生态知识和农业结构调整、社会主义和后社会主义的历史和叙述等主题。
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