Uptake and refusal

Quill R Kukla
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It examines how and when the uptake of a speech act can constitute the pragmatic form and force of the original speech act.KEYWORDS: Uptake; refusal; speech act theory; discursive injustice; sexual consent Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 We can think of this point as an extension of Grice’s famous development of the maxims of conversation (Grice Citation1975). Grice argued that in functional conversations, responses are always semantically constrained: the content of our responses needs to be relevant, informative, and so forth. We can add that our responses are also pragmatically constrained; which responsive actions count as felicitous will be shaped by the original speech act, in its the social and material context.2 McDonald (Citation2021) claims that any constitution that goes beyond ratification is impossible, because speaking is the exercise of a normative power, and exercising normative power necessarily requires intentional will. So, performing any speech act you did not intend is impossible. But I am not sure why I should accept that we can exercise normative powers only intentionally, nor that, when we do, the exercise must go exactly as I intended. As I already pointed out near the start of this essay, speech acts have all kinds of normative effects that I did not intend! When I say, ‘I do!’ in a marriage ceremony, this has tax and legal implications I did not intend. A speech act may constitute a racist microaggression even if the speaker did not intend to be racist. A professor who wants to invite a student over to his house for wine but does not want to pressure her may make pressure her anyhow. In general, our speech acts do all sorts of unintended things, even apart from any constitutive work uptake does. We could, of course, define ‘exercising’ normative power as an intentional act by stipulation, but there seems then to be no reason to think that discursive power is always exercised in this sense, nor that whatever intentions we may in fact have need to map exactly onto the normative impact of what we perform.3 This is, perhaps, part of why gaslighters often try to isolate their victims; when speech receives uptake only from one person, it is much easier for that person to use their uptake to constitutively manipulate the situation.4 This point is consonant with points made by Naomi Scheman (Citation1983) and Talia Mae Bettcher (Citation2009) about how respecting speaker’s psychological self-descriptions is a political duty rather than an epistemic principle.5 Caponetto allows only this type of refusal of open-call speech acts to count as a ‘refusal’ at all (Ibid.). Of course, to some extent this is a matter of semantic stipulation; I just prefer to use the term ‘refusal’ more broadly than she does. But I hope to demonstrate in subsequent sections that it is useful to think of refusals as a larger category of speech acts than this, with these open-call refusals as the weakest form.6 A caveat here is that some speech acts present themselves as open-call, but really are not. If I am truly inviting you to something, then you legitimately have the option of declining. But someone might ‘invite’ someone else to do something – attend an unpleasant relative’s wedding, perhaps – where that invitation is a stealth command and the invitee will in fact be punished if they don’t accept. It might well take some social power and authority to refuse this sort of coercive offer masking itself as an open call.7 See for example Goldberg Citation2020 and Klieber Citation2021 on substantive, contentful silence.8 This point is a riff on a helpful worry raised by an anonymous reviewer.9 The scenario is Langton’s, but insofar as I have been taking as defended the idea of constitutive uptake, the worry has been taken to apply to me as well. See for instance McDonald Citation2021 and Harris and Tanter unpublished.10 Here, unlike in most of this essay, I am using gendered pronouns and nouns, both because the literature discussing this issue uniformly assumes a masculine instigator and feminine recipient, and because the relevant norms at play in rape culture are distinctively gendered in ways that will matter as I progress through this section.11 This room for constitutive refusal of sexual refusals, I think, was Langston’s deep point. I do not think that Langton’s intentionalist framework was the best one for making this point, since it makes it sound like just misrecognizing someone’s intention is enough to undo their refusal. I also think she made pornography specifically, rather than rape culture, sex negativity, and patriarchy more generally, do too much heavy lifting.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by The Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung.","PeriodicalId":47504,"journal":{"name":"Inquiry-An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Inquiry-An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0020174x.2023.2258207","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ETHICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

ABSTRACTDiscussions of uptake in the philosophy of language focus our attention on what role other people have in fixing the import, success, influence and social life of a speech act. The general idea in most discussions of uptake, despite their differences and disagreements, is whether and how an audience is cooperative or uncooperative when a speaker plays a critical role in how speech acts function. This essay is primarily concerned with “refusals”, or uncooperative uptakes. The essay analyzes the varieties of refusal; when refusal is possible why it might be challenging and when it is ethical. It examines how and when the uptake of a speech act can constitute the pragmatic form and force of the original speech act.KEYWORDS: Uptake; refusal; speech act theory; discursive injustice; sexual consent Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 We can think of this point as an extension of Grice’s famous development of the maxims of conversation (Grice Citation1975). Grice argued that in functional conversations, responses are always semantically constrained: the content of our responses needs to be relevant, informative, and so forth. We can add that our responses are also pragmatically constrained; which responsive actions count as felicitous will be shaped by the original speech act, in its the social and material context.2 McDonald (Citation2021) claims that any constitution that goes beyond ratification is impossible, because speaking is the exercise of a normative power, and exercising normative power necessarily requires intentional will. So, performing any speech act you did not intend is impossible. But I am not sure why I should accept that we can exercise normative powers only intentionally, nor that, when we do, the exercise must go exactly as I intended. As I already pointed out near the start of this essay, speech acts have all kinds of normative effects that I did not intend! When I say, ‘I do!’ in a marriage ceremony, this has tax and legal implications I did not intend. A speech act may constitute a racist microaggression even if the speaker did not intend to be racist. A professor who wants to invite a student over to his house for wine but does not want to pressure her may make pressure her anyhow. In general, our speech acts do all sorts of unintended things, even apart from any constitutive work uptake does. We could, of course, define ‘exercising’ normative power as an intentional act by stipulation, but there seems then to be no reason to think that discursive power is always exercised in this sense, nor that whatever intentions we may in fact have need to map exactly onto the normative impact of what we perform.3 This is, perhaps, part of why gaslighters often try to isolate their victims; when speech receives uptake only from one person, it is much easier for that person to use their uptake to constitutively manipulate the situation.4 This point is consonant with points made by Naomi Scheman (Citation1983) and Talia Mae Bettcher (Citation2009) about how respecting speaker’s psychological self-descriptions is a political duty rather than an epistemic principle.5 Caponetto allows only this type of refusal of open-call speech acts to count as a ‘refusal’ at all (Ibid.). Of course, to some extent this is a matter of semantic stipulation; I just prefer to use the term ‘refusal’ more broadly than she does. But I hope to demonstrate in subsequent sections that it is useful to think of refusals as a larger category of speech acts than this, with these open-call refusals as the weakest form.6 A caveat here is that some speech acts present themselves as open-call, but really are not. If I am truly inviting you to something, then you legitimately have the option of declining. But someone might ‘invite’ someone else to do something – attend an unpleasant relative’s wedding, perhaps – where that invitation is a stealth command and the invitee will in fact be punished if they don’t accept. It might well take some social power and authority to refuse this sort of coercive offer masking itself as an open call.7 See for example Goldberg Citation2020 and Klieber Citation2021 on substantive, contentful silence.8 This point is a riff on a helpful worry raised by an anonymous reviewer.9 The scenario is Langton’s, but insofar as I have been taking as defended the idea of constitutive uptake, the worry has been taken to apply to me as well. See for instance McDonald Citation2021 and Harris and Tanter unpublished.10 Here, unlike in most of this essay, I am using gendered pronouns and nouns, both because the literature discussing this issue uniformly assumes a masculine instigator and feminine recipient, and because the relevant norms at play in rape culture are distinctively gendered in ways that will matter as I progress through this section.11 This room for constitutive refusal of sexual refusals, I think, was Langston’s deep point. I do not think that Langton’s intentionalist framework was the best one for making this point, since it makes it sound like just misrecognizing someone’s intention is enough to undo their refusal. I also think she made pornography specifically, rather than rape culture, sex negativity, and patriarchy more generally, do too much heavy lifting.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by The Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung.
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接受和拒绝
摘要语言哲学中关于吸收的讨论,关注的是他人在确定言语行为的意义、成功、影响和社会生活中所起的作用。在大多数关于吸收的讨论中,尽管存在分歧和分歧,但总的观点是,当演讲者在言语行为的功能中发挥关键作用时,听众是否以及如何合作或不合作。这篇文章主要关注的是“拒绝”,或不合作的接受。本文分析了拒绝的种类;什么时候拒绝是可能的,为什么拒绝是有挑战性的,什么时候拒绝是合乎道德的。它考察了言语行为的吸收如何以及何时构成原始言语行为的语用形式和力量。关键词:吸收;拒绝;言语行为理论;散漫的不公;性同意披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:我们可以把这一点看作是格赖斯著名的“谈话格言”的延伸(格赖斯引证,1975)。Grice认为,在功能性对话中,回应总是在语义上受到限制:我们回应的内容需要是相关的、信息丰富的,等等。我们还可以补充说,我们的反应也受到了务实的限制;在社会和物质环境中,哪些反应性行为被认为是恰当的,将受到原始言语行为的影响McDonald (Citation2021)声称,任何超越批准的宪法都是不可能的,因为发言是对规范性权力的行使,而行使规范性权力必然需要有意的意志。所以,做任何你不想做的演讲都是不可能的。但我不确定为什么我应该接受这样的观点,即我们只能有意地行使规范性权力,而当我们这样做时,这种行使也必须完全按照我的意图进行。正如我在本文开头所指出的那样,言语行为具有各种各样的规范性效应,而这些效应并非我所希望的!当我说:“我愿意!”“在婚礼上,这样做会涉及税收和法律问题,这是我无意的。即使说话者无意成为种族主义者,言语行为也可能构成种族主义微侵犯。一位教授想邀请一位学生去他家喝酒,但又不想给她施加压力,无论如何,他还是会给她施加压力。一般来说,我们的言语行为会做各种意想不到的事情,甚至不包括任何构成行为。当然,我们可以将“行使”规范性权力定义为一种通过规定的有意行为,但似乎没有理由认为话语权力总是在这种意义上行使,也没有理由认为我们实际上可能拥有的任何意图都需要精确地映射到我们所执行的规范性影响上也许这就是为什么煤气枪经常试图孤立受害者的部分原因;当言语只从一个人那里接受时,那个人更容易利用他们的理解来构成地操纵局面这一点与Naomi Scheman (Citation1983)和Talia Mae Bettcher (Citation2009)的观点一致,即尊重说话者的心理自我描述是一种政治责任,而不是一种认知原则卡波内托只允许这种对公开演讲行为的拒绝算作“拒绝”(同上)。当然,在某种程度上这是一个语义规定的问题;我只是比她更喜欢用“拒绝”这个词。但我希望在随后的章节中证明,将拒绝视为比这更大的语言行为类别是有用的,这些公开的拒绝是最弱的形式这里需要提醒的是,有些演讲行为表面上是公开征集,但实际上并非如此。如果我真的在邀请你,那么你有理由拒绝。但有人可能会“邀请”别人做某事——比如参加一个不愉快的亲戚的婚礼——这种邀请是一种暗示性的命令,如果被邀请者不接受,实际上会受到惩罚。很可能需要一些社会权力和权威来拒绝这种伪装成公开号召的强制性提议参见Goldberg Citation2020和Klieber Citation2021关于实质性的、有内容的沉默这一点是对一位匿名评论者提出的有益担忧的重复这是兰顿的设想,但就我一直在为本构吸收的观点辩护而言,这种担忧也适用于我。例如,参见McDonald Citation2021和Harris and Tanter未发表在这里,与这篇文章的大部分不同,我使用了性别化的代词和名词,因为讨论这个问题的文献一致地假设了一个男性的煽动者和女性的接受者,也因为在强奸文化中起作用的相关规范是明显的性别化的,随着我在这一节的进展,这一点将会很重要我认为,这种对性拒绝的结构性拒绝的空间,是兰斯顿最深刻的观点。 我不认为兰顿的意图主义框架是阐述这一点的最佳框架,因为它让人觉得,仅仅错误地认识到某人的意图就足以撤销他们的拒绝。我还认为,她专门制作了色情作品,而不是强奸文化、性消极性和更普遍的父权制,承担了太多繁重的工作。本研究得到了亚历山大·冯·洪堡基金会的支持。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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