{"title":"‘Arabisation’ death of a concept?: Gulf states, the Malay-Indonesian world, and the quest for post-sectarian engagement","authors":"Joshua Snider","doi":"10.1080/19480881.2023.2261207","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper examines the inter-regional links between the Arabian Gulf region and the Malay-Indonesian world. It argues that a common sectarian identity has underscored the basis for inter-regional engagement in the era of modern states. Furthermore, within this context, powerful, ideologically conservative, and well-resourced Gulf states, notably Saudi Arabia, have exercised influence and been lead actors in providing humanitarian assistance and funding for religious education. While this continues to be the case, changes in the strategic environment in both regions have resulted in diversification of engagement. These changes include expanding trade relations and increased cooperation on issues associated with responses to violent extremism. There has also been a diversity of engagement between the states. Where Saudi Arabia used to dominate/lead inter-regional engagement, over the past decade, other Gulf states, notably Qatar and UAE, have become leaders in investment and non-sectarian development assistance.KEYWORDS: ArabisationGulf-Southeast Asia relationsGulf-Malaysia relationspolitical Islam in Southeast Asia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Under Islamic law, certain crimes, notably apostasy, revolt against the ruler, theft, highway robbery, adultery, slander, and drinking alcohol are characterised as ‘hudud crimes’ and in some national jurisdictions these crimes carry penalties that include the amputation of hands and feet, flogging, and death. See Hudud Crimes (From Islamic Criminal Justice System, P 195-201, 1982, M Cherif Bassiouni, ed. – See NCJ-87479).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoshua SniderDr. Joshua Snider currently serves as an Assistant Professor of International Security studies at UAE National Defense College in Abu Dhabi. His research focusses on non-traditional security, state responses to religious extremism the governance of counter-radicalization programs and sectarian nationalisms in the Indo-Pacific. Over the last 10 years, he has taught at various universities in Southeast Asia and Australia, including at the University of Nottingham’s Malaysia campus in Kuala Lumpur.","PeriodicalId":53974,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","volume":"218 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of the Indian Ocean Region","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2023.2261207","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the inter-regional links between the Arabian Gulf region and the Malay-Indonesian world. It argues that a common sectarian identity has underscored the basis for inter-regional engagement in the era of modern states. Furthermore, within this context, powerful, ideologically conservative, and well-resourced Gulf states, notably Saudi Arabia, have exercised influence and been lead actors in providing humanitarian assistance and funding for religious education. While this continues to be the case, changes in the strategic environment in both regions have resulted in diversification of engagement. These changes include expanding trade relations and increased cooperation on issues associated with responses to violent extremism. There has also been a diversity of engagement between the states. Where Saudi Arabia used to dominate/lead inter-regional engagement, over the past decade, other Gulf states, notably Qatar and UAE, have become leaders in investment and non-sectarian development assistance.KEYWORDS: ArabisationGulf-Southeast Asia relationsGulf-Malaysia relationspolitical Islam in Southeast Asia Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Under Islamic law, certain crimes, notably apostasy, revolt against the ruler, theft, highway robbery, adultery, slander, and drinking alcohol are characterised as ‘hudud crimes’ and in some national jurisdictions these crimes carry penalties that include the amputation of hands and feet, flogging, and death. See Hudud Crimes (From Islamic Criminal Justice System, P 195-201, 1982, M Cherif Bassiouni, ed. – See NCJ-87479).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoshua SniderDr. Joshua Snider currently serves as an Assistant Professor of International Security studies at UAE National Defense College in Abu Dhabi. His research focusses on non-traditional security, state responses to religious extremism the governance of counter-radicalization programs and sectarian nationalisms in the Indo-Pacific. Over the last 10 years, he has taught at various universities in Southeast Asia and Australia, including at the University of Nottingham’s Malaysia campus in Kuala Lumpur.