Comment on “International Finance and Geopolitics”

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Asian Economic Policy Review Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI:10.1111/aepr.12453
Takatoshi Ito
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This scenario may occur when the US determines China is aiding Russia militarily or when China invades Taiwan.</p><p>I have three comments: First, why China is pursuing RMB internationalization, and since when; second, whether there may be a third scenario between the status quo and rupture; and third, the Russian invasion and the western sanctions on Russia may turn out to be a turning point to accelerate RMB internationalization.</p><p>First, I would date the starting point in the process of the RMB internationalization at the 2008–2009 global financial crisis. China carefully observed collapses of large financial institutions in the United States and in Europe. The Federal Reserve had to provide $US liquidity quickly to the rest of the world using central bank bilateral swaps. China must have concluded that the US financial system was not a model to follow and having the $US as the sole international reserve currency was dangerous for China and the rest of the world.</p><p>In 2009, then Governor of the People's Bank of China (PBOC), Xiaochuan Zhou, wrote an essay entitled “Reform the international monetary system” (Zhou, <span>2009</span>), in which he argued that when a national currency plays the role of an international reserve currency, domestic considerations and constraints at times make it difficult to provide liquidity to the international monetary system when needed. He went on to propose establishing a super-sovereign reserve currency. Alternatively, he proposed expanding the role of the International Monetary Fund's (IMF's) Special Drawing Rights (SDR) to include payment and settlement of international trade and finance. He also added that “[T]he basket of currencies forming the basis for SDR valuation should be expanded to include currencies of all major economies, and the GDP may also be included as a weight.” This was a thinly veiled demand to include the RMB in the SDR composition, which was realized 7 years later, in 2016.</p><p>In the spring of 2009, the PBOC signed bilateral swap arrangements with Hong Kong, Malaysia, Indonesia, Argentina, and Korea. At the time, this looked like a response to the 2008 crisis, very much in parallel with, if not imitating, the Federal Reserve extending bilateral swaps to many advanced countries, as an expansion of the traditional G10 framework, and four emerging market economies, Korea, Singapore, Mexico, and Brazil. However, the RMB was not an international currency then and the use of the RMB during a hard currency liquidity shortage in emerging market economies would be limited. 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Abstract

The Chinese Yuan (RMB) has emerged as a potentially serious challenger to the US Dollar as a reserve currency in the international monetary system. Although the status of the RMB as an international currency currently is much lower on every measure than the $US, the recent upward trend in the cross-border and offshore usage of the RMB is remarkable. Eichengreen (2024) presents two scenarios going forward: First, the status-quo scenario. The US and China continue to trade, despite high tariffs, high tech exports control, and other measures, with China maintaining retaliatory tariffs and other actions. The second scenario is that economic and financial ties are ruptured. This scenario may occur when the US determines China is aiding Russia militarily or when China invades Taiwan.

I have three comments: First, why China is pursuing RMB internationalization, and since when; second, whether there may be a third scenario between the status quo and rupture; and third, the Russian invasion and the western sanctions on Russia may turn out to be a turning point to accelerate RMB internationalization.

First, I would date the starting point in the process of the RMB internationalization at the 2008–2009 global financial crisis. China carefully observed collapses of large financial institutions in the United States and in Europe. The Federal Reserve had to provide $US liquidity quickly to the rest of the world using central bank bilateral swaps. China must have concluded that the US financial system was not a model to follow and having the $US as the sole international reserve currency was dangerous for China and the rest of the world.

In 2009, then Governor of the People's Bank of China (PBOC), Xiaochuan Zhou, wrote an essay entitled “Reform the international monetary system” (Zhou, 2009), in which he argued that when a national currency plays the role of an international reserve currency, domestic considerations and constraints at times make it difficult to provide liquidity to the international monetary system when needed. He went on to propose establishing a super-sovereign reserve currency. Alternatively, he proposed expanding the role of the International Monetary Fund's (IMF's) Special Drawing Rights (SDR) to include payment and settlement of international trade and finance. He also added that “[T]he basket of currencies forming the basis for SDR valuation should be expanded to include currencies of all major economies, and the GDP may also be included as a weight.” This was a thinly veiled demand to include the RMB in the SDR composition, which was realized 7 years later, in 2016.

In the spring of 2009, the PBOC signed bilateral swap arrangements with Hong Kong, Malaysia, Indonesia, Argentina, and Korea. At the time, this looked like a response to the 2008 crisis, very much in parallel with, if not imitating, the Federal Reserve extending bilateral swaps to many advanced countries, as an expansion of the traditional G10 framework, and four emerging market economies, Korea, Singapore, Mexico, and Brazil. However, the RMB was not an international currency then and the use of the RMB during a hard currency liquidity shortage in emerging market economies would be limited. At the time, China explained the purpose of the bilateral swaps as being trade enhancing measures, not crisis liquidity lending. Since then, the PBOC eagerly extended the number of swap agreements. By end-2021, the PBOC had signed swap agreements with 40 countries and regions.

Other notable developments include establishing the Cross-Border-Interbank-Payment System (CIPS) in 2015, having the RMB included in the SDR composition in 2016, and starting a pilot program on central bank digital currency (e-CNY) in 2019. The significance and limitations of CIPS are extensively discussed in Eichengreen (2024).

Second, there may be a third scenario, namely, the use of the RMB expands quickly and forms a RMB bloc without a rupture. China will succeed in having a region in which the RMB is used in invoicing, and settlement, and as a store of value, a foreign exchange reserve currency, and for intervention. In this scenario, China is not aiming at upsetting the dollar dominance in the international financial market but forming a RMB bloc where nations friendly to China—such as those participating actively in the Belt and Road Initiatives—will use the RMB as an international currency.

Third, the Russian invasion of Ukraine started on February 24, 2022, followed by the west's sanctions on Russia, has become an accelerator of the use of the RMB. It pushed Russia into China's sphere of influence, in using the RMB and led to a stronger trade relationship with China. Moreover, those countries that worry about possible sanctions from the west in the future may be interested in a precautionary move to diversify their foreign reserves out of US dollars and increase their RMB assets. China and Saudi Arabia agreed to a shift to the RMB as the transaction currency for oil exports from Saudi Arabia to China. Commodities are traditionally denominated in $US, and this is a first instance of China chipping away at that dominance.

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关于 "国际金融与地缘政治 "的评论
人民币已经成为美元在国际货币体系中储备货币地位的潜在严重挑战者。虽然目前人民币作为国际货币的地位在各项指标上都远低于美元,但最近人民币在跨境和离岸使用方面的上升趋势是显著的。Eichengreen(2024)提出了两种未来情景:第一,现状情景。尽管采取了高关税、高科技出口管制和其他措施,但美国和中国仍在继续贸易,中国仍在采取报复性关税和其他行动。第二种情况是经济和金融联系破裂。当美国确定中国在军事上援助俄罗斯或中国入侵台湾时,这种情况可能会发生。我有三点看法:第一,中国为什么要推进人民币国际化,从什么时候开始的?第二,在维持现状和破裂之间是否会出现第三种情况;第三,俄罗斯入侵和西方对俄制裁可能成为加速人民币国际化的转折点。首先,我认为人民币国际化进程的起点是2008-2009年的全球金融危机。中国仔细观察了美国和欧洲大型金融机构的倒闭。美联储(fed)不得不通过央行双边互换,迅速向世界其它地区提供美元流动性。中国肯定认为,美国的金融体系不是一个可以效仿的模式,让美元成为唯一的国际储备货币,对中国和世界其他国家来说都是危险的。2009年,时任中国人民银行行长的周小川撰写了一篇名为《改革国际货币体系》(Zhou, 2009)的文章,认为当一国货币扮演国际储备货币的角色时,国内的考虑和制约有时会使其难以在需要时向国际货币体系提供流动性。他还提议建立一种超主权储备货币。另外,他提议扩大国际货币基金组织(IMF)特别提款权(SDR)的作用,将国际贸易和金融的支付和结算纳入其中。他还补充说:“构成特别提款权估值基础的一篮子货币应该扩大到包括所有主要经济体的货币,国内生产总值也可以作为一个权重。”这是一个几乎不加掩饰的要求,即将人民币纳入特别提款权的构成,这一要求在7年后的2016年实现了。2009年春,中国人民银行与香港、马来西亚、印度尼西亚、阿根廷和韩国签署了双边货币互换安排。当时,这看起来像是对2008年危机的回应,与美联储将双边互换扩大到许多发达国家(作为传统G10框架的扩展)以及韩国、新加坡、墨西哥和巴西这四个新兴市场经济体(如果不是模仿的话)非常相似。然而,当时人民币还不是国际货币,在新兴市场经济体出现硬通货流动性短缺时,人民币的使用将受到限制。当时,中国解释说,双边互换的目的是促进贸易,而不是提供危机流动性贷款。自那以来,中国央行急切地扩大了互换协议的数量。截至2021年底,中国人民银行已与40个国家和地区签署了货币互换协议。其他值得注意的发展包括2015年建立跨境银行间支付系统(CIPS), 2016年将人民币纳入特别提款权(SDR)组成,以及2019年启动央行数字货币(e-CNY)试点项目。Eichengreen(2024)广泛讨论了CIPS的意义和局限性。第二,可能出现第三种情况,即人民币的使用迅速扩大,形成一个不破裂的人民币集团。中国将成功建立一个人民币用于开发票、结算、价值储存、外汇储备货币和干预的区域。在这种情况下,中国的目标不是颠覆美元在国际金融市场上的主导地位,而是组建一个人民币集团,让那些对中国友好的国家——比如那些积极参与“一带一路”倡议的国家——使用人民币作为国际货币。第三,始于2022年2月24日的俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,以及随后西方对俄罗斯的制裁,成为人民币使用的加速器。它推动俄罗斯进入中国的势力范围,使用人民币,并与中国建立了更强大的贸易关系。此外,那些担心未来可能受到西方制裁的国家可能有兴趣采取预防性措施,使其外汇储备多样化,减少美元,增加人民币资产。 中国和沙特阿拉伯同意改用人民币作为沙特阿拉伯向中国出口石油的交易货币。大宗商品传统上以美元计价,而这是中国削弱这种主导地位的第一个实例。 中国和沙特阿拉伯同意将人民币作为沙特阿拉伯向中国出口石油的交易货币。大宗商品传统上以美元计价,这是中国首次削弱这一主导地位。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
12.90
自引率
2.60%
发文量
39
期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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