Race Preferences at Work: How Supervisory Status, Employment Sector, and Workplace Racial Composition Shape White Americans’ Beliefs About Affirmative Action

Q2 Social Sciences Sociological Focus Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI:10.1080/00380237.2023.2233927
Ryan A. Smith, Matthew O. Hunt
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Our analyses reveal declining opposition to affirmative action over time, though a majority of whites, regardless of authority level, still hold conservative stances on race-targeted policies. Further, results for our three key predictors (supervisory status, employment sector, workplace racial composition) provide support for group position, new governance, and intergroup contact theories, respectively. We conclude by discussing implications of our findings for intergroup relations with special focus on understanding barriers to the implementation of antidiscrimination and diversity policies aimed at ameliorating racial inequities in U.S. workplaces.KEYWORDS: Affirmative actiongroup position theoryintergroup contact theorynew governance theorypublic/private sector Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 In their study using 1994 Los Angeles survey data, Bobo et al. (Citation2000) observed that white supervisors were significantly more opposed to affirmative action than their subordinate counterparts. We keep this finding in mind but forward our expectation of “no differences” across the supervisory divide in light of (1) our broader set of outcomes, (2) our nationally representative data source, (3) our larger set of workplace and other covariates, and (4) the overall set of findings reported by Bobo et al. (Citation2000), alongside those of more recent tests of group position theory that analyze the relationship between supervisory status and whites’ racial attitudes (e.g., Smith and Hunt Citation2021).2 Extrapolating these scope conditions to the U.S. workplace illuminates why anti-black prejudice and discrimination remains such a prominent problem. For example, few workplaces in the United States have racial/ethnic representation throughout all ranks of the organization proportional to the population. Thus, the absence of a critical mass of minority representation throughout all levels of the organization precludes by default the prospect of equal status between groups.3 We explored possible creation of a composite measure (e.g., index) of whites’ beliefs combining these three measures, though this proved impossible since all three items never appear on the same GSS ballot in any of the years we examine. In addition, since the three outcome variables have different response options (ranging from 3 to 5 categories), we elected to dichotomize each of them for consistency in modeling and interpretation of effects.4 We recognize that supervisory status is not a guarantee that a person has direct influence over implementing and enforcing equal opportunity policy. 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Abstract

ABSTRACTThis study examines how white Americans’ beliefs about affirmative action intersect with three important workplace factors: supervisory status (supervisors vs. subordinates), employment sector (public vs. private), and workplace racial composition. Using data from the 1996–2018 General Social Surveys, we first examine trends over time in three beliefs: (1) the perception that whites are hurt by affirmative action, (2) attitudes toward the preferential hiring and promotion of blacks, and (3) opinions regarding special treatment by the government for blacks. We then examine how the three workplace factors shape support for (or opposition to) such race-targeted policies. Our analyses reveal declining opposition to affirmative action over time, though a majority of whites, regardless of authority level, still hold conservative stances on race-targeted policies. Further, results for our three key predictors (supervisory status, employment sector, workplace racial composition) provide support for group position, new governance, and intergroup contact theories, respectively. We conclude by discussing implications of our findings for intergroup relations with special focus on understanding barriers to the implementation of antidiscrimination and diversity policies aimed at ameliorating racial inequities in U.S. workplaces.KEYWORDS: Affirmative actiongroup position theoryintergroup contact theorynew governance theorypublic/private sector Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 In their study using 1994 Los Angeles survey data, Bobo et al. (Citation2000) observed that white supervisors were significantly more opposed to affirmative action than their subordinate counterparts. We keep this finding in mind but forward our expectation of “no differences” across the supervisory divide in light of (1) our broader set of outcomes, (2) our nationally representative data source, (3) our larger set of workplace and other covariates, and (4) the overall set of findings reported by Bobo et al. (Citation2000), alongside those of more recent tests of group position theory that analyze the relationship between supervisory status and whites’ racial attitudes (e.g., Smith and Hunt Citation2021).2 Extrapolating these scope conditions to the U.S. workplace illuminates why anti-black prejudice and discrimination remains such a prominent problem. For example, few workplaces in the United States have racial/ethnic representation throughout all ranks of the organization proportional to the population. Thus, the absence of a critical mass of minority representation throughout all levels of the organization precludes by default the prospect of equal status between groups.3 We explored possible creation of a composite measure (e.g., index) of whites’ beliefs combining these three measures, though this proved impossible since all three items never appear on the same GSS ballot in any of the years we examine. In addition, since the three outcome variables have different response options (ranging from 3 to 5 categories), we elected to dichotomize each of them for consistency in modeling and interpretation of effects.4 We recognize that supervisory status is not a guarantee that a person has direct influence over implementing and enforcing equal opportunity policy. We revisit this issue in our conclusion.5 Since it is impossible, without additional information, to simultaneously estimate the effects of age and cohort (year of birth) in repeated cross-sectional models controlling for survey year, we used the GSS variable AGE in our analyses.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRyan A. SmithRyan A. Smith is professor and chair at the Austin W. Marxe School of Public and International Affairs, Baruch College, and Faculty Affiliate at the Graduate Center, PhD Program in Sociology, City University of New York. He holds a Master’s in Sociology from the University of Wisconsin-Madison and a PhD in Sociology from the University of California, Los Angeles. His areas of research include the causes and consequences of race, ethnic and gender inequality in workplace power, racial attitudes in America, and the functional use of religion during times of existential crises.Matthew O. HuntMatthew O. Hunt is professor of sociology at Northeastern University. His primary research interests involve intersections of race/ethnicity, social psychology, and inequality in the United States. His work has appeared in the American Sociological Review, Social Forces, Social Problems, Social Psychology Quarterly, Sociology of Education, and other publications.
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工作中的种族偏好:主管地位、就业部门和工作场所种族构成如何影响美国白人对平权法案的看法
摘要本研究考察了美国白人对平权法案的看法如何与三个重要的工作场所因素相交叉:主管地位(主管与下属)、就业部门(公共与私营)和工作场所种族构成。利用1996-2018年综合社会调查的数据,我们首先研究了三个信念的长期趋势:(1)白人受到平权行动伤害的看法,(2)对优先雇用和晋升黑人的态度,以及(3)对政府对黑人的特殊待遇的看法。然后,我们研究了三个工作场所因素如何影响对此类种族政策的支持(或反对)。我们的分析显示,随着时间的推移,反对平权行动的人数在下降,尽管大多数白人,无论其权威级别如何,在针对种族的政策上仍然持保守立场。此外,我们的三个关键预测因素(主管地位、就业部门、工作场所种族构成)的结果分别为群体地位、新治理和群体间接触理论提供了支持。最后,我们讨论了我们的研究结果对群体间关系的影响,特别关注于理解旨在改善美国工作场所种族不平等的反歧视和多样性政策实施的障碍。关键词:平权行动团体立场理论团体间接触理论新治理理论公共/私营部门披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:Bobo等人(Citation2000)在使用1994年洛杉矶调查数据的研究中发现,白人主管明显比其下属上司更反对平权行动。我们将这一发现记在心上,但根据(1)我们更广泛的结果集,(2)我们具有全国代表性的数据源,(3)我们更大的工作场所和其他协变量集,以及(4)Bobo等人(Citation2000)报告的总体结果集,以及最近分析监督地位与白人种族态度之间关系的群体地位理论测试(例如,史密斯和亨特引文(2021)将这些范围条件外推到美国的工作场所,说明了为什么反黑人偏见和歧视仍然是一个如此突出的问题。例如,在美国,很少有工作场所在组织的所有级别中都有与人口成比例的种族/民族代表。因此,在整个组织的所有级别中缺乏临界数量的少数民族代表,默认情况下排除了群体之间平等地位的前景我们探索了将这三项措施结合起来的白人信仰的综合措施(例如,指数)的可能性,尽管这被证明是不可能的,因为在我们研究的任何年份中,这三项从未出现在同一张GSS选票上。此外,由于三个结果变量具有不同的响应选项(范围从3到5类),我们选择对它们进行二分类,以便在建模和解释效果方面保持一致性我们认识到,主管地位并不能保证一个人对实施和执行平等机会政策有直接影响。我们在结论部分重新讨论了这个问题由于在没有额外信息的情况下,不可能在控制调查年份的重复横截面模型中同时估计年龄和队列(出生年份)的影响,因此我们在分析中使用了GSS变量age。作者简介:yan A. Smith是巴鲁克学院Austin W. Marxe公共与国际事务学院的教授和主席,也是纽约城市大学社会学博士课程研究生中心的附属教员。他拥有威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校社会学硕士学位和加州大学洛杉矶分校社会学博士学位。他的研究领域包括种族、种族和性别不平等在工作场所权力中的原因和后果,美国的种族态度,以及存在危机时期宗教的功能使用。马修·亨特(Matthew O. Hunt)是东北大学社会学教授。他的主要研究兴趣涉及美国种族/民族,社会心理学和不平等的交叉点。他的作品发表在《美国社会学评论》、《社会力量》、《社会问题》、《社会心理学季刊》、《教育社会学》等刊物上。
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Sociological Focus
Sociological Focus Social Sciences-Social Sciences (all)
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