The "First" Emancipation Proclamation: Black Rebellion, Removal, and Freedom during the Seminole Wars

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY CIVIL WAR HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI:10.1353/cwh.2023.a912507
Kristen T. Oertel
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Perhaps most concerning, debates in the US House of Representatives revealed that support for the war was precariously low, with one congressman complaining, “Immense sums of the public money have already been expended on this war and . . . have been extracted, like teeth, from this House.”<sup>1</sup> Something drastic had to be done to turn the tide, to win this seemingly endless war. Could the emancipation of enslaved Blacks trigger that turn and launch the US Army on a path to victory?</p> <p>President Lincoln likely asked this question as he wrestled with issuing the Emancipation Proclamation in the fall of 1862. But instead of picturing Lincoln in the Oval Office after Antietam, place yourself in a Florida swamp in 1838, and you will find Gen. Thomas Sidney Jesup issuing the “first” emancipation proclamation, twenty-six years before Lincoln’s, and freeing hundreds of enslaved <strong>[End Page 11]</strong> Blacks.<sup>2</sup> During the Second Seminole War, after repeatedly failing to negotiate peace with the Seminole Indians and their Black allies, Jesup promised the Black combatants “freedom and protection on their separating from the Indians and surrendering.”<sup>3</sup> Hoping to divide and conquer the Seminole and Black forces that had been fighting the US Army for decades, Jesup used emancipation of Black soldiers, many of whom were enslaved by Seminole citizens, as a military tool to weaken the opposition and quite literally remove a portion of enemy troops from Florida to Indian Territory. Negotiating with Black leaders like John Horse, he claimed that if they surrendered and moved to the West, the army would protect their freedom. In an order issued in March, he specified: “That all Negroes the property of the Seminole . . . who . . . delivered themselves up to the Commanding Officer of the troops should be free.”<sup>4</sup> As historian Kevin Mulroy has already noted, “Black emancipation and Removal had become the policy of the U.S. Army.”<sup>5</sup></p> <p>Of course, the British had offered the first promise of freedom to enslaved Blacks in what is now the United States during the Revolutionary War with Dunmore’s Proclamation in 1775, the Phillipsburg Proclamation in 1779, and again during the War of 1812, and the Spanish had used this playbook for decades in Florida and the Caribbean.<sup>6</sup> But Jesup’s is likely the first emancipation proclamation made by a US official, and similar proclamations issued early in <strong>[End Page 12]</strong> the Civil War by antislavery generals like John C. Frémont and David Hunter mimic Jesup’s. So why have Civil War historians and scholars of emancipation virtually ignored the legal and historical precedent of Jesup’s proclamation? A quick review of the recent articles and books published about Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation merits exactly zero mentions of Jesup’s order, thus demonstrating historians’ neglect of its significance to military policy and sectional conflict in the antebellum era.<sup>7</sup> Native American historians and amateur scholars of Black history laud Jesup’s proclamation as a signal event in Seminole and Black history, but this act must also be included by Civil War historians and historians in general as a key part of the uneven process of Black emancipation.<sup>8</sup></p> <p>This article highlights the tradition of Black rebellion embedded in the Second Seminole War and examines it as historical precedent for Black resistance in the Civil War era and as a precursor to the Emancipation Proclamation. By revealing the causes and consequences of this “first” proclamation, I hope to fill a historiographical hole that illustrates how resistance by enslaved Blacks and the Seminole Indians motivated Jesup’s proclamation and actuated what could be considered the only successful slave rebellion in North American history.<sup>9</sup> <strong>[End Page 13]</strong> Finally, the debate surrounding Jesup’s proclamation and its repercussions in Indian Territory reveal the fundamental questions connected to America’s tortured history with the institution of slavery and the country...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"215 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2023.a912507","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • The “First” Emancipation ProclamationBlack Rebellion, Removal, and Freedom during the Seminole Wars
  • Kristen T. Oertel (bio)

The brutal war had dragged on for years with no end in sight. The president grew increasingly frustrated by how poorly US troops had performed, and the people’s tolerance of bad news waned with each casualty report from the battlefield. Perhaps most concerning, debates in the US House of Representatives revealed that support for the war was precariously low, with one congressman complaining, “Immense sums of the public money have already been expended on this war and . . . have been extracted, like teeth, from this House.”1 Something drastic had to be done to turn the tide, to win this seemingly endless war. Could the emancipation of enslaved Blacks trigger that turn and launch the US Army on a path to victory?

President Lincoln likely asked this question as he wrestled with issuing the Emancipation Proclamation in the fall of 1862. But instead of picturing Lincoln in the Oval Office after Antietam, place yourself in a Florida swamp in 1838, and you will find Gen. Thomas Sidney Jesup issuing the “first” emancipation proclamation, twenty-six years before Lincoln’s, and freeing hundreds of enslaved [End Page 11] Blacks.2 During the Second Seminole War, after repeatedly failing to negotiate peace with the Seminole Indians and their Black allies, Jesup promised the Black combatants “freedom and protection on their separating from the Indians and surrendering.”3 Hoping to divide and conquer the Seminole and Black forces that had been fighting the US Army for decades, Jesup used emancipation of Black soldiers, many of whom were enslaved by Seminole citizens, as a military tool to weaken the opposition and quite literally remove a portion of enemy troops from Florida to Indian Territory. Negotiating with Black leaders like John Horse, he claimed that if they surrendered and moved to the West, the army would protect their freedom. In an order issued in March, he specified: “That all Negroes the property of the Seminole . . . who . . . delivered themselves up to the Commanding Officer of the troops should be free.”4 As historian Kevin Mulroy has already noted, “Black emancipation and Removal had become the policy of the U.S. Army.”5

Of course, the British had offered the first promise of freedom to enslaved Blacks in what is now the United States during the Revolutionary War with Dunmore’s Proclamation in 1775, the Phillipsburg Proclamation in 1779, and again during the War of 1812, and the Spanish had used this playbook for decades in Florida and the Caribbean.6 But Jesup’s is likely the first emancipation proclamation made by a US official, and similar proclamations issued early in [End Page 12] the Civil War by antislavery generals like John C. Frémont and David Hunter mimic Jesup’s. So why have Civil War historians and scholars of emancipation virtually ignored the legal and historical precedent of Jesup’s proclamation? A quick review of the recent articles and books published about Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation merits exactly zero mentions of Jesup’s order, thus demonstrating historians’ neglect of its significance to military policy and sectional conflict in the antebellum era.7 Native American historians and amateur scholars of Black history laud Jesup’s proclamation as a signal event in Seminole and Black history, but this act must also be included by Civil War historians and historians in general as a key part of the uneven process of Black emancipation.8

This article highlights the tradition of Black rebellion embedded in the Second Seminole War and examines it as historical precedent for Black resistance in the Civil War era and as a precursor to the Emancipation Proclamation. By revealing the causes and consequences of this “first” proclamation, I hope to fill a historiographical hole that illustrates how resistance by enslaved Blacks and the Seminole Indians motivated Jesup’s proclamation and actuated what could be considered the only successful slave rebellion in North American history.9 [End Page 13] Finally, the debate surrounding Jesup’s proclamation and its repercussions in Indian Territory reveal the fundamental questions connected to America’s tortured history with the institution of slavery and the country...

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“第一份”解放宣言:塞米诺尔战争期间的黑人叛乱、迁移和自由
为了代替摘要,这里有一个简短的内容摘录:“第一次”解放宣言塞米诺尔战争期间黑人的叛乱,迁移和自由克里斯汀T.奥尔特尔(传记)残酷的战争已经拖了很多年,看不到结束的希望。总统对美军的糟糕表现越来越感到沮丧,人们对坏消息的容忍度随着战场上的每一份伤亡报告而减弱。也许最令人担忧的是,美国众议院的辩论显示,对这场战争的支持率低得吓人,一位国会议员抱怨说:“大量的公共资金已经花在了这场战争上……已经像牙齿一样从这个议院里拔了出来。必须采取一些激烈的措施来扭转局势,赢得这场看似无休止的战争。被奴役的黑人的解放是否会引发这种转变,并使美国军队走上胜利之路?林肯总统很可能在1862年秋天起草《解放奴隶宣言》时问过这个问题。但是,不要想象林肯在安提特姆之后在椭圆形办公室的情景,而是把自己置身于1838年的佛罗里达沼泽,你会发现托马斯·西尼·杰斯普将军发布了“第一份”解放宣言,比林肯早26年,解放了数百名被奴役的黑人。2在第二次塞米诺尔战争期间,在与塞米诺尔印第安人及其黑人盟友的和平谈判一再失败之后,Jesup向黑人战士承诺,只要他们脱离印第安人并投降,就会获得自由和保护。杰苏普希望分裂和征服几十年来一直与美军作战的塞米诺尔人和黑人军队,他利用解放黑人士兵(其中许多人被塞米诺尔公民奴役)作为一种军事工具,削弱反对派,实际上是将一部分敌军从佛罗里达转移到印第安领土。在与约翰·霍斯(John Horse)等黑人领袖谈判时,他声称,如果他们投降并迁往西部,军队将保护他们的自由。在3月发布的一项命令中,他特别指出:“所有黑人都是塞米诺尔人的财产……谁……向部队指挥官投降的人应该是自由的。正如历史学家凯文·马尔罗伊(Kevin Mulroy)已经指出的那样,“解放和驱逐黑人已经成为美国军队的政策。”5当然,在独立战争期间,英国人在1775年的《邓莫尔宣言》,1779年的《菲利普斯堡宣言》,以及1812年战争期间,首次向现在的美国境内被奴役的黑人提供了自由的承诺,西班牙人在佛罗里达和加勒比地区使用了几十年的这一策略。内战早期,约翰·c·弗莱姆蒙特和大卫·亨特等反奴隶制将军也发表了类似的宣言,模仿了杰瑟普的宣言。那么,为什么内战历史学家和研究解放奴隶问题的学者实际上忽略了耶苏普宣言的法律和历史先例呢?快速回顾一下最近出版的关于林肯解放奴隶宣言的文章和书籍,完全没有提到Jesup的命令,从而表明历史学家忽视了它对内战前军事政策和地区冲突的重要性7 .美国土著历史学家和研究黑人历史的业余学者称赞杰苏普的宣言是塞米诺尔人和黑人历史上的一个标志性事件,但内战历史学家和一般历史学家也必须把这一行为包括在内,认为这是黑人解放不平衡过程中的一个关键部分本文强调了第二次塞米诺尔战争中黑人反抗的传统,并将其作为内战时期黑人反抗的历史先例和解放宣言的先驱进行了研究。通过揭示这一“第一次”宣言的原因和后果,我希望填补一个史学上的空白,说明被奴役的黑人和塞米诺尔印第安人的抵抗是如何激发了杰萨普的宣言,并引发了北美历史上唯一一次成功的奴隶叛乱。最后,围绕Jesup的宣言及其在印第安领土上的影响的辩论揭示了与美国奴隶制制度和国家的痛苦历史有关的基本问题……
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: Civil War History is the foremost scholarly journal of the sectional conflict in the United States, focusing on social, cultural, economic, political, and military issues from antebellum America through Reconstruction. Articles have featured research on slavery, abolitionism, women and war, Abraham Lincoln, fiction, national identity, and various aspects of the Northern and Southern military. Published quarterly in March, June, September, and December.
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Contesting "the Insatiable Maw of Capital": Mine Workers' Struggles in the Civil War Era Contributors The Open-Shop Movement and the Long Shadow of Slavery, the Civil War, and Reconstruction Book Review Essay: After War and Emancipation, an Irrepressible Conflict "We Can Take Care of Ourselves Now": Establishing Independent Black Labor and Industry in Postwar Yorktown, Virginia
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