From Inclusion-Radicalization to Moderation Under Institutional Constraints: A Synchronic and Diachronic Approach of Algerian Islamist Parties (1989–2019)

Myriam Aït-Aoudia, Belkacem Benzenine
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Abstract

This article focuses on the transformations of Algerian Islamist parties, placing them in a dynamic context. Having undergone both phases since the fall of the ruling party in 1989, Algeria furnishes a case study for analyzing the conditions and challenges of the inclusion and exclusion of Islamist parties. The synchronic and diachronic construction of the Algerian case, combined with a comprehensive and inductive approach, thus allows us to contribute to the inclusion-moderation debate on multiple empirical, methodological, and conceptual levels. Only this dual approach makes it possible to grasp the changes and continuities in the ideology and modes of action of the Islamist parties as well as the evolution of how the regime integrated or excluded them from the political arena. On the level of defining moderation and radicalization, it allows us to differentiate between, on the one hand, political labelling by the various Islamist or non-Islamist actors and institutionally defined legal criteria and, on the other hand, academic concepts. This calls for adopting a dual analysis: what we term a radicalization within the institutional arena (by subverting the foundations of the state, i.e., the Islamic state project) and a radicalization from outside it (by armed violence). In this framework, the political exclusion of an Islamist party correlates closely not with its intrinsic radicality but with the crossing of an electoral threshold, which sets the stage for implementing its radical program. Knowing how the civilian and military authorities assess this threat is thus essential for understanding the exclusionary and inclusionary processes. Next, we must differentiate between inclusion in the electoral game, which is accepted, and inclusion in the executive branch, on which the Islamist parties are internally conflicted. Finally, it behooves us to show that the moderation of programs and modes of action does not stem from (prior) inclusion in the political game, but instead results from a new institutional constraint. It produces specific effects, namely partisan fragmentation, and ambivalence about the identity of Islamist parties.

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从包容-激进化到制度约束下的温和:阿尔及利亚伊斯兰党派的同步与异步研究(1989-2019 年)
本文重点关注阿尔及利亚伊斯兰政党的转变,将其置于一个动态的背景中。自 1989 年执政党垮台以来,阿尔及利亚经历了这两个阶段,它为分析伊斯兰党派融入和排斥的条件和挑战提供了一个案例研究。因此,阿尔及利亚案例的同步和异步建构,结合全面的归纳方法,使我们能够在经验、方法论和概念等多个层面为包容--缓和辩论做出贡献。只有这种双重方法才有可能把握伊斯兰党派在意识形态和行动方式上的变化和连续性,以及政权如何将其纳入或排除在政治舞台之外的演变过程。在界定温和与激进化的层面上,它使我们能够区分不同伊斯兰或非伊斯兰行为者的政治标签和制度界定的法律标准,以及学术概念。这就需要进行双重分析:我们所说的体制内激进化(通过颠覆国家基础,即伊斯兰国家项目)和体制外激进化(通过武装暴力)。在这一框架下,伊斯兰政党的政治排斥与其内在激进性无关,而是与其跨越选举门槛密切相关,这为其实施激进计划创造了条件。因此,了解民事和军事当局如何评估这一威胁对于理解排斥和包容过程至关重要。其次,我们必须区分在选举游戏中被接受的包容性和在行政部门中的包容性,伊斯兰政党在这一问题上存在内部矛盾。最后,我们有必要说明,计划和行动方式的温和性并非源于(先前)政治博弈中的包容,而是源于一种新的制度约束。它产生了特定的影响,即党派分裂和对伊斯兰政党身份的矛盾。
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来源期刊
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0.00%
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19
期刊介绍: The aim of MELG is to provide a peer-reviewed venue for academic analysis in which the legal lens allows scholars and practitioners to address issues of compelling concern to the Middle East. The journal is multi-disciplinary – offering contributors from a wide range of backgrounds an opportunity to discuss issues of governance, jurisprudence, and socio-political organization, thereby promoting a common conceptual framework and vocabulary for exchanging ideas across boundaries – geographic and otherwise. It is also broad in scope, discussing issues of critical importance to the Middle East without treating the region as a self-contained unit.
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