African feminist activism and democracy: Social media publics and Zimbabwean women in politics online

Rosemary Chikafa-Chipiro
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Abstract

“We need to begin our questioning, activism and theorising from the spaces from which we are dying,” Funmi Olonisakin. The political landscape in Zimbabwe is largely a post-colonial hetero-patriarchal domain that pushes women politicians to the border of politics. Constraints in civic engagement and political participation that is characteristic of a shrinking democracy and exclusionary public sphere subsist. The 2023 election and its campaign period has shown that the socio-economic and political landscape is unpredictable with serious threats to women’s participation in politics. The lives of Zimbabwean women in politics are continually subjected to multiple forms of violence online and offline. Meanwhile, African feminist activism in the country has seemingly taken several steps back. Zimbabwean feminist activists risk being co-opted into the hetero-patriarchal socio-political structures. There is evidence of a considerable disconnect between feminist/gender activists and women in politics that needs to be addressed. In Senegal and South Africa among other countries, protests by younger generations of feminists have addressed this divide through innovations in protest strategies resulting in the re-formation of radical politics (Dieng, 2023; Hassim, 2023). With social media at the disposal of the younger generation of women politicians the movement is set on a revolutionary trajectory. The sustained social media presence of the new crop of women politicians has created active intimate and counter-publics who engage in vital Zimbabwean political dialogue. The new crop of women politicians referred to here are younger women politicians who unlike their predecessors are very active on social media and have no liberation war experience. The study locates social media as a provenance for Zimbabwean feminist activist revolutionising and democracy initiatives. Theoretically, I posit that the contentions around women’s political participation and violations against Zimbabwean women in politics are revealing of intricacies in African feminism and the coloniality of gender and how these, together with theories of the public sphere can further feminist activism. The study will utilise online ethnography of purposively selected Facebook posts and Tweets by Zimbabwean women in politics, feminist activists and/or gender organisations.
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非洲女权运动与民主:社交媒体公众与津巴布韦妇女参与网络政治
Funmi Olonisakin说:“我们需要从我们正在死去的空间开始我们的质疑、行动和理论。”津巴布韦的政治格局在很大程度上是一个后殖民时期的异性父权领域,这将女性政治家推向了政治的边缘。作为民主萎缩和公共领域排他性特征的公民参与和政治参与方面的限制依然存在。2023年大选及其竞选期表明,社会经济和政治形势难以预测,妇女参政受到严重威胁。津巴布韦参政妇女的生活不断受到线上和线下多种形式的暴力。与此同时,该国的非洲女权主义运动似乎后退了几步。津巴布韦女权主义者冒着被纳入异性父权社会政治结构的风险。有证据表明,女权主义者/性别活动家和政治上的女性之间存在相当大的脱节,这需要得到解决。在塞内加尔和南非等国家,年轻一代女权主义者的抗议活动通过抗议策略的创新解决了这一分歧,导致了激进政治的重组(Dieng, 2023;Hassim, 2023)。随着年轻一代女性政治家使用社交媒体,这场运动走上了革命性的轨道。新一代女性政治家在社交媒体上的持续存在创造了积极的亲密和反公众,他们参与了至关重要的津巴布韦政治对话。这里所说的新一代女政治家是指与前任不同,在社交媒体上非常活跃、没有解放战争经历的年轻女性政治家。该研究将社交媒体定位为津巴布韦女权主义活动家革命和民主倡议的来源。从理论上讲,我认为围绕妇女参政和津巴布韦妇女参政受到侵害的争论,揭示了非洲女权主义的复杂性和性别的殖民性,以及这些与公共领域理论如何进一步推动女权主义活动。这项研究将利用在线人种学,有意选择津巴布韦女性在政治、女权主义活动家和/或性别组织中发表的Facebook帖子和推文。
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