The Evolution of Government Intervention in the Mediterranean Media System: Spain, France, and Portugal

Ana Fernández-Viso, Isabel Fernández-Alonso
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Abstract

Based on the comparative analysis of the three Western media system models distinguished by Daniel Hallin and Paolo Mancini (2004), this article revisits their thesis of a tendency towards the convergence of the Mediterranean model and the Liberal model—in terms of the weakening of links between media institutions and the political sphere—two decades after it was first posited. By studying the degree and nature of state intervention in the media systems of Spain, France, and Portugal in the 21st century, the aim is to ascertain whether, within a context of growing political polarisation and shrinking journalistic industry income, the distinctive characteristics of the role of the state in the Mediterranean model remain the same or have changed—and in what sense. The contextualised analysis of Spanish, French, and Portuguese policies relating to public service media, independent audiovisual media regulatory bodies, media subsidies, and state advertising on the one hand allows us to question whether state intervention in Mediterranean media systems has weakened, thereby reaffirming the thesis of the importance of nation-states in media governance and the relevance of the comparative study of national media systems in the era of digital globalisation. And, on the other hand, it enables continuities, discontinuities, and differences between the three countries to be identified in relation to the logic of clientelism that Hallin and Mancini observed in their media policies in 2004, as well as some initial elements for their interpretation to be noted.
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政府干预地中海媒体系统的演变:西班牙、法国和葡萄牙
本文以丹尼尔-哈林和保罗-曼奇尼(2004 年)对三种西方媒体系统模式的比较分析为基础,在他们首次提出地中海模式与自由模式趋同--即媒体机构与政治领域之间的联系减弱--这一论点二十年后的今天,重新审视了这一论点。通过研究 21 世纪国家对西班牙、法国和葡萄牙媒体系统干预的程度和性质,旨在确定在政治两极分化加剧、新闻业收入缩减的背景下,地中海模式中国家角色的显著特征是保持不变还是发生了变化,以及在何种意义上发生了变化。一方面,通过对西班牙、法国和葡萄牙有关公共服务媒体、独立视听媒体监管机构、媒体补贴和国家广告的政策进行背景分析,我们可以质疑国家对地中海媒体系统的干预是否已经削弱,从而重申民族国家在媒体治理中的重要性以及在数字全球化时代对国家媒体系统进行比较研究的意义。另一方面,这也使我们能够根据哈林和曼奇尼 2004 年在媒体政策中观察到的 "客户主义 "逻辑,确定这三个国家之间的连续性、不连续性和差异,并注意到对其解释的一些初步要素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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