Parafoveal Processing of Orthography, Phonology, and Semantics during Chinese Reading: Effects of Foveal Load

IF 2.8 3区 医学 Q3 NEUROSCIENCES Brain Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-18 DOI:10.3390/brainsci14050512
Lei Zhang, Liangyue Kang, Wanying Chen, Fang Xie, Kayleigh L. Warrington
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Abstract

The foveal load hypothesis assumes that the ease (or difficulty) of processing the currently fixated word in a sentence can influence processing of the upcoming word(s), such that parafoveal preview is reduced when foveal load is high. Recent investigations using pseudo-character previews reported an absence of foveal load effects in Chinese reading. Substantial Chinese studies to date provide some evidence to show that parafoveal words may be processed orthographically, phonologically, or semantically. However, it has not yet been established whether parafoveal processing is equivalent in terms of the type of parafoveal information extracted (orthographic, phonological, semantic) under different foveal load conditions. Accordingly, the present study investigated this issue with two experiments. Participants’ eye movements were recorded as they read sentences in which foveal load was manipulated by placing a low- or high-frequency word N preceding a critical word. The preview validity of the upcoming word N + 1 was manipulated in Experiment 1, and word N + 2 in Experiment 2. The parafoveal preview was either identical to word N + 1(or word N + 2); orthographically related; phonologically related; semantically related; or an unrelated pseudo-character. The results showed robust main effects of frequency and preview type on both N + 1 and N + 2. Crucially, however, interactions between foveal load and preview type were absent, indicating that foveal load does not modulate the types of parafoveal information processed during Chinese reading.
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中文阅读过程中对正字法、语音学和语义的视网膜下处理:眼窝负荷的影响
视网膜负荷假说认为,处理句子中当前固定单词的难易程度会影响对即将出现的单词的处理,因此当视网膜负荷较高时,视网膜旁的预览会减少。最近使用假字预览进行的研究表明,在中文阅读中不存在眼窝负荷效应。迄今为止的大量中文研究提供了一些证据,表明视网膜旁的单词可能会被正字法、语音或语义处理。然而,在不同的视网膜负荷条件下,视网膜旁处理所提取的信息类型(正字法、语音学、语义学)是否相同尚未确定。因此,本研究通过两项实验对这一问题进行了研究。实验记录了参与者阅读句子时的眼球运动,通过在关键词语之前放置一个低频或高频词语 N 来操纵视网膜负荷。实验 1 操纵了即将出现的单词 N + 1 的预览有效性,实验 2 操纵了单词 N + 2 的预览有效性。视网膜旁的预览要么与单词 N + 1(或单词 N + 2)相同;要么与正字法相关;要么与语音相关;要么与语义相关;要么是一个不相关的假字符。结果表明,频率和预览类型对 N + 1 和 N + 2 都有很强的主效应。但重要的是,视网膜负荷和预览类型之间不存在交互作用,这表明视网膜负荷不会调节中文阅读过程中视网膜旁信息处理的类型。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Brain Sciences
Brain Sciences Neuroscience-General Neuroscience
CiteScore
4.80
自引率
9.10%
发文量
1472
审稿时长
18.71 days
期刊介绍: Brain Sciences (ISSN 2076-3425) is a peer-reviewed scientific journal that publishes original articles, critical reviews, research notes and short communications in the areas of cognitive neuroscience, developmental neuroscience, molecular and cellular neuroscience, neural engineering, neuroimaging, neurolinguistics, neuropathy, systems neuroscience, and theoretical and computational neuroscience. Our aim is to encourage scientists to publish their experimental and theoretical results in as much detail as possible. There is no restriction on the length of the papers. The full experimental details must be provided so that the results can be reproduced. Electronic files or software regarding the full details of the calculation and experimental procedure, if unable to be published in a normal way, can be deposited as supplementary material.
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