Demonstrated risk preferences and COVID-19 regulations in the United States

IF 1.6 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Public Choice Pub Date : 2024-07-12 DOI:10.1007/s11127-024-01185-x
Peter Anderson
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Abstract

Research has pointed towards U.S. state officials setting COVID regulations based on their constituents’ political affiliation. But a further explanation is needed as prior to 2020, U.S. voters did not choose their political party in accord with how they thought politicians would act in a pandemic. In contrast, other papers have found that people with higher risk preferences took fewer mitigating actions during COVID. Building on these results and the public choice view that political markets lack a dynamic-feedback process, this paper hypothesizes that upcoming elections incentivized state officials to partially set regulations in congruence with their constituents’ demonstrated risk preferences. The hypothesis is tested with a balanced panel of all U.S. states over seven time periods ranging from April until shortly before the 2020 election. A log-linear hybrid model finds a negative relationship between risky actions and the stringency of COVID regulations at the between-state level. The relationship is statistically and regulatorily significant while controlling for relevant time-varying and time-invariant health, political, and economic measures. Multiple robustness tests confirm these results, including instrumenting people’s risky actions. At the within-state level, regulations only varied with changes in revealed risk preferences when governors faced impending feedback from a reelection contest. Republican governors running for reelection decreased regulations when revealed risk taking increased whereas their Democratic counterparts responded by increasing regulations. In states without a gubernatorial election, regulations show little responsiveness to changes in risk taking, corroborating the public choice viewpoint.

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美国的示范风险偏好和 COVID-19 法规
研究表明,美国各州官员是根据其选民的政治派别来制定 COVID 法规的。但这需要进一步的解释,因为在 2020 年之前,美国选民在选择政党时并没有考虑到他们认为政治家在大流行病中会采取什么行动。相反,其他论文发现,风险偏好较高的人在 COVID 期间采取的缓解行动较少。基于这些结果以及政治市场缺乏动态反馈过程的公共选择观点,本文假设即将到来的选举会激励州政府官员根据选民表现出的风险偏好制定部分法规。本文使用美国各州在从 4 月到 2020 年大选前不久的七个时间段内的平衡面板对这一假设进行了检验。对数线性混合模型发现,在州与州之间,风险行动与 COVID 法规的严格程度之间存在负相关关系。在控制了相关的时变和时不变的健康、政治和经济指标后,这种关系在统计和调节上都是显著的。多种稳健性检验证实了这些结果,包括对人们的风险行为进行工具检验。在州内层面,只有当州长面临即将到来的连任竞选反馈时,法规才会随着所揭示的风险偏好的变化而变化。竞选连任的共和党州长在揭示的风险偏好增加时会减少监管,而民主党州长则会增加监管。在没有州长选举的州,法规对风险承担的变化几乎没有反应,这证实了公共选择的观点。
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来源期刊
Public Choice
Public Choice Multiple-
CiteScore
3.60
自引率
18.80%
发文量
65
期刊介绍: Public Choice deals with the intersection between economics and political science. The journal was founded at a time when economists and political scientists became interested in the application of essentially economic methods to problems normally dealt with by political scientists. It has always retained strong traces of economic methodology, but new and fruitful techniques have been developed which are not recognizable by economists. Public Choice therefore remains central in its chosen role of introducing the two groups to each other, and allowing them to explain themselves through the medium of its pages. Officially cited as: Public Choice
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