Is the term bulk-billing still relevant in today's landscape of health policy reform?

IF 8.5 2区 医学 Q1 MEDICINE, GENERAL & INTERNAL Medical Journal of Australia Pub Date : 2024-11-25 DOI:10.5694/mja2.52543
Michael Wright, May Chin
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In that time, the term bulk-billing has become synonymous with marker of access to general practice and in the delivery of health care with zero cost to the patient. This is in part due to current and past governments using the bulk-billing rate as a political indicator of health policy successes and as an indictment by opposition parties on the government of the day's commitment to health care access and equity. For example, in 2021, the former Minister for Health, the Hon Greg Hunt, used bulk-billing rates to demonstrate the then Coalition government's firm commitment to Medicare, despite also being the government responsible for extending the freeze on the Medicare indexation.<span><sup>1</sup></span> Similarly, the current Minister for Health, the Hon Mark Butler, also used increases in the bulk-billing rate as evidence of the success of the 2023 Budget initiatives to triple the bulk-billing incentives for Australians with concession cards and those aged under 16 years.<span><sup>2</sup></span></p><p>At the time of its introduction, Medicare was designed to ensure all Australians have access to affordable health care by subsidising 85% of the cost of general practice services, increasing to 100% in 2004. Since then, Medicare rebates have not kept pace with increasing inflation nor the costs of care. From 1995 to 2022, increases in Medicare rebates averaged just over 1.1% annually,<span><sup>3</sup></span> compared with general inflation reaching up to 7.3% during the same period.<span><sup>4</sup></span></p><p>Although the bulk-billing rate has been used as metric for general practice access, there is no standardised definition or interpretation. The bulk-billing rate typically quoted by politicians reflects the reported percentage of subsidised services that are bulk billed — the <i>volume</i> of bulk billed general practice services — and provides little insight into patient access to general practice.</p><p>Organisations such as Cubiko and Cleanbill have attempted to further interpret the bulk-billing rate with key differences. Cubiko, in their 2023 Touchstone report refers to the bulk-billing rate as “the percentage of invoices [that are bulk billed]” recognising that multiple Medicare services can be provided at one time distorting bulk-billing metrics.<span><sup>5</sup></span> Cubiko also defines a “predominantly bulk billing practice” if “bulk billing as a percentage of invoices exceeds 80%”.</p><p>Cleanbill, on the other hand, defines the bulk-billing rate as the “[total] number of clinics that will bulk bill all adult patients without concessions who attend for a standard consultation (MBS [Medicare Benefits Schedule] item 23) during regular, weekday business hours”.<span><sup>6</sup></span> To confuse matters more, a practice is considered to be a bulk-billing practice if there is at least one general practitioner who bulk bills, and if the clinic bulk bills during regular, business hours.</p><p>The varying definitions and interpretations demonstrate that the bulk-billing rate is neither consistently understood nor applied by the sector. And importantly, most general practitioners agree that there is neither a standardised nor an accepted definition of this metric. Lack of understanding and misuse of the bulk-billing metric will be amplified by new pathways to access primary care, such as urgent care centres, which receive considerable block funding from both state and federal governments to subsidise attendances and yet bill Medicare for general practice item numbers allowing these to be provided without out-of-pocket cost — confusingly also described as bulk billed.</p><p>During the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the mandatory bulk-billing policy of telehealth MBS items facilitated the rapid uptake and expansion of whole-of-population telehealth services by general practice, and mandatory bulk billing of COVID-19 vaccines was also introduced.</p><p>At the peak of the pandemic, bulk-billing reached an all-time high of 87.5%, with over eight in ten general practice consultations provided without out-of-pocket costs.<span><sup>7</sup></span> Although this was lauded as a win for the then Coalition government, a repercussion of the mandatory bulk-billing policy led to significant losses for many general practices, as they had to absorb the increased costs of delivering these services.<span><sup>8</sup></span> Practices in rural and remote areas were also more likely to be disproportionately affected.<span><sup>9</sup></span> In addition to financial losses, general practitioners also experienced increased levels of stress and burnout,<span><sup>10</sup></span> and the sector is only now beginning to recover.</p><p>According to data from Cubiko, 75% of practices have transitioned away from bulk-billing towards a mixed or private billing business model.<span><sup>5</sup></span> Another notable data point is the continued rise in out-of-pocket costs ($42.03 in September 2023 <i>v</i> $46.64 in September 2024).<span><sup>11</sup></span></p><p>With fewer bulk-billing general practitioners and rising out-of-pocket costs, patients ultimately are the most negatively affected. The results from the Australian Bureau of Statistic's latest Patient Experience Survey show that 28% of Australians are waiting longer to get a general practice appointment, and an even larger proportion (46%) reported a 24-hour or more wait to see a GP for urgent medical care [Correction added on 29 November 2024, after first online publication: the second sentence has been amended.].<span><sup>12</sup></span> The proportion of Australians who, due to cost, are delaying a visit to the general practitioner increased from to 7% in 2023 to 8.8% in 2024.<span><sup>12</sup></span> Unsurprisingly, this is more acutely felt by those living in rural and remote areas.<span><sup>12</sup></span></p><p>Delays in seeking general practice care are likely to place increased pressures elsewhere in the health system, most notably on already stretched and resource-intensive services in hospital emergency departments (EDs). Latest health data from New South Wales suggest that while ED use and wait times are increasing, the number of general practice visits per 100 000 population has dropped back to 2019 levels.<span><sup>13</sup></span> Such a drop in general practice service numbers could have the perverse effect of increasing bulk-billing rates, reflected only due to the drop in privately billed consultations exceeding those which are bulk billed. This may be a politically expedient outcome but not an accurate reflection of access.</p><p>These statistics reveal two key things. The first is something many general practitioners and practice owners have long known: the current MBS subsidies fail to cover the cost of delivering general practice care. As a result, bulk billing patients is no longer a viable option in many settings, and general practitioners are increasingly forced to charge a private fee. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

As Medicare enters its 40th year and we reflect on its achievements, it is timely to assess the usefulness and relevance of a term that is closely associated with it: bulk-billing.

The term bulk-billing originated when Medicare was first introduced in 1984, and it referred to the manual process where a medical practitioner would submit collected paper receipts in bulk to Medicare. Although the practice of physically sending bulk receipts to Medicare has long since disappeared, the term bulk-billing has persisted.

The state of the Australian health system looks very different now than it did 40 years ago when Medicare was first introduced. In that time, the term bulk-billing has become synonymous with marker of access to general practice and in the delivery of health care with zero cost to the patient. This is in part due to current and past governments using the bulk-billing rate as a political indicator of health policy successes and as an indictment by opposition parties on the government of the day's commitment to health care access and equity. For example, in 2021, the former Minister for Health, the Hon Greg Hunt, used bulk-billing rates to demonstrate the then Coalition government's firm commitment to Medicare, despite also being the government responsible for extending the freeze on the Medicare indexation.1 Similarly, the current Minister for Health, the Hon Mark Butler, also used increases in the bulk-billing rate as evidence of the success of the 2023 Budget initiatives to triple the bulk-billing incentives for Australians with concession cards and those aged under 16 years.2

At the time of its introduction, Medicare was designed to ensure all Australians have access to affordable health care by subsidising 85% of the cost of general practice services, increasing to 100% in 2004. Since then, Medicare rebates have not kept pace with increasing inflation nor the costs of care. From 1995 to 2022, increases in Medicare rebates averaged just over 1.1% annually,3 compared with general inflation reaching up to 7.3% during the same period.4

Although the bulk-billing rate has been used as metric for general practice access, there is no standardised definition or interpretation. The bulk-billing rate typically quoted by politicians reflects the reported percentage of subsidised services that are bulk billed — the volume of bulk billed general practice services — and provides little insight into patient access to general practice.

Organisations such as Cubiko and Cleanbill have attempted to further interpret the bulk-billing rate with key differences. Cubiko, in their 2023 Touchstone report refers to the bulk-billing rate as “the percentage of invoices [that are bulk billed]” recognising that multiple Medicare services can be provided at one time distorting bulk-billing metrics.5 Cubiko also defines a “predominantly bulk billing practice” if “bulk billing as a percentage of invoices exceeds 80%”.

Cleanbill, on the other hand, defines the bulk-billing rate as the “[total] number of clinics that will bulk bill all adult patients without concessions who attend for a standard consultation (MBS [Medicare Benefits Schedule] item 23) during regular, weekday business hours”.6 To confuse matters more, a practice is considered to be a bulk-billing practice if there is at least one general practitioner who bulk bills, and if the clinic bulk bills during regular, business hours.

The varying definitions and interpretations demonstrate that the bulk-billing rate is neither consistently understood nor applied by the sector. And importantly, most general practitioners agree that there is neither a standardised nor an accepted definition of this metric. Lack of understanding and misuse of the bulk-billing metric will be amplified by new pathways to access primary care, such as urgent care centres, which receive considerable block funding from both state and federal governments to subsidise attendances and yet bill Medicare for general practice item numbers allowing these to be provided without out-of-pocket cost — confusingly also described as bulk billed.

During the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the mandatory bulk-billing policy of telehealth MBS items facilitated the rapid uptake and expansion of whole-of-population telehealth services by general practice, and mandatory bulk billing of COVID-19 vaccines was also introduced.

At the peak of the pandemic, bulk-billing reached an all-time high of 87.5%, with over eight in ten general practice consultations provided without out-of-pocket costs.7 Although this was lauded as a win for the then Coalition government, a repercussion of the mandatory bulk-billing policy led to significant losses for many general practices, as they had to absorb the increased costs of delivering these services.8 Practices in rural and remote areas were also more likely to be disproportionately affected.9 In addition to financial losses, general practitioners also experienced increased levels of stress and burnout,10 and the sector is only now beginning to recover.

According to data from Cubiko, 75% of practices have transitioned away from bulk-billing towards a mixed or private billing business model.5 Another notable data point is the continued rise in out-of-pocket costs ($42.03 in September 2023 v $46.64 in September 2024).11

With fewer bulk-billing general practitioners and rising out-of-pocket costs, patients ultimately are the most negatively affected. The results from the Australian Bureau of Statistic's latest Patient Experience Survey show that 28% of Australians are waiting longer to get a general practice appointment, and an even larger proportion (46%) reported a 24-hour or more wait to see a GP for urgent medical care [Correction added on 29 November 2024, after first online publication: the second sentence has been amended.].12 The proportion of Australians who, due to cost, are delaying a visit to the general practitioner increased from to 7% in 2023 to 8.8% in 2024.12 Unsurprisingly, this is more acutely felt by those living in rural and remote areas.12

Delays in seeking general practice care are likely to place increased pressures elsewhere in the health system, most notably on already stretched and resource-intensive services in hospital emergency departments (EDs). Latest health data from New South Wales suggest that while ED use and wait times are increasing, the number of general practice visits per 100 000 population has dropped back to 2019 levels.13 Such a drop in general practice service numbers could have the perverse effect of increasing bulk-billing rates, reflected only due to the drop in privately billed consultations exceeding those which are bulk billed. This may be a politically expedient outcome but not an accurate reflection of access.

These statistics reveal two key things. The first is something many general practitioners and practice owners have long known: the current MBS subsidies fail to cover the cost of delivering general practice care. As a result, bulk billing patients is no longer a viable option in many settings, and general practitioners are increasingly forced to charge a private fee. Second, many general practice services continue to be provided without cost to patients despite the increasing complexity of health care. This complexity requires a funding model that better supports the longer time spent with patients, something the current Medicare rebate structure devalues.

Although the Albanese government provided a historic $6.1 billion investment into Medicare supporting the recommendations of the Strengthening Medicare Taskforce, the limiting of the 2023 increased in bulk-billing incentives to children aged under 16 years and to concession card holders14 suggests that government support for bulk-billing is in fact not universal.

Australia ranks first out of ten countries overall in a recent international comparison of health systems performance.15 This result, and Australia's relative success in navigating the COVID-19 pandemic, can partly be attributed to the central role played by general practice.8 The rapid rise of chronic diseases, coupled with a growing and ageing population, is the fundamental challenge for the health system. A focus on the bulk-billing rate ignores these challenges and distracts from other more meaningful measures that can tell us so much more about the quality, outcomes and the equity of general practice in Australia. The limiting of the 2023 bulk-billing incentives further reduces the utility of the bulk-billing rate as a marker of appropriate access.

Although Medicare and its introduction of universal health care has been praised by many as one of Australia's greatest policy achievements, there is acknowledgement that the current system needs reform. Similarly, bulk-billing has been a term associated with the success of Medicare, but no longer provides an agreed or meaningful estimate of access to health services. The successful implementation of an effective model of care for the complex nature of 21st century general practice requires the use of modern and more meaningful metrics, and this involves relegating the term bulk-billing for such purposes to history.

No relevant disclosures.

Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

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在医疗政策改革的今天,批量计费一词是否仍然适用?
随着医疗保险制度进入第40个年头,我们反思它的成就,现在是时候评估一个与之密切相关的术语的有用性和相关性了:批量计费。批量计费一词起源于1984年医疗保险首次推出时,它指的是医生将收集的纸质收据批量提交给医疗保险的人工流程。尽管向联邦医疗保险寄送大量收据的做法早已消失,但“批量付款”一词却一直存在。与40年前医疗保险首次引入时相比,现在澳大利亚医疗体系的状况看起来大不相同。在那段时间里,“批量计费”一词已成为获得一般医疗服务和向患者提供零成本医疗服务的代名词。这在一定程度上是由于当前和过去的政府将大额收费费率作为卫生政策成功的政治指标,并作为反对党对政府在卫生保健可及性和公平性方面的承诺的控诉。例如,在2021年,前卫生部长格雷格·亨特(Greg Hunt)议员使用批量计费费率来表明当时的联合政府对医疗保险的坚定承诺,尽管政府也有责任延长对医疗保险指数的冻结同样,现任卫生部长Mark Butler议员也将批量计费费率的提高作为2023年预算举措取得成功的证据,该举措将对持有优惠卡和16岁以下的澳大利亚人的批量计费激励措施提高了两倍。2 .在引进医疗保险时,其目的是确保所有澳大利亚人都能获得负担得起的医疗保健,补贴全科医疗服务费用的85%,2004年这一比例增加到100%。从那时起,医疗保险的回扣就没有跟上通货膨胀和医疗成本的增长。从1995年到2022年,医疗保险退税的年平均增幅略高于1.1%,而同期的总体通货膨胀率高达7.3%。虽然批量计费费率已被用作一般医疗服务的衡量标准,但目前还没有标准化的定义或解释。政客们通常引用的批量计费率反映了报告中批量计费的补贴服务的百分比——批量计费的全科医疗服务的数量——几乎没有提供病人获得全科医疗服务的情况。Cubiko和Cleanbill等组织试图进一步解释批量计费费率的关键差异。Cubiko在其2023年的Touchstone报告中将批量计费率称为“(批量计费)发票的百分比”,承认可以同时提供多种医疗保险服务,从而扭曲了批量计费指标Cubiko还将“大宗账单占发票的比例超过80%”定义为“大宗账单占主导地位”。另一方面,Cleanbill将批量计费率定义为“在正常工作日工作时间内,对所有参加标准咨询(MBS [Medicare Benefits Schedule]第23项)的成年患者不作任何让步而批量计费的诊所总数”更令人困惑的是,如果至少有一名全科医生进行批量计费,并且诊所在正常营业时间内进行批量计费,则该实践被认为是批量计费实践。不同的定义和解释表明,该部门既不一致地理解也不适用批量计费费率。重要的是,大多数全科医生都认为这个指标既没有一个标准化的定义,也没有一个公认的定义。缺乏理解和滥用批量计费指标将会被获得初级保健的新途径放大,例如紧急护理中心,这些中心从州和联邦政府获得大量资金来补贴出诊,但却为医疗保险的一般实践项目编号买单,允许这些项目无需自付费用——也被混淆地描述为批量计费。在2019年冠状病毒病(COVID-19)大流行期间,远程医疗MBS项目的强制性批量计费政策促进了全科医生迅速接受和扩大全民远程医疗服务,还引入了COVID-19疫苗的强制性批量计费。在大流行高峰期,批量计费率达到87.5%的历史最高水平,10个全科医生中有8个以上是免费提供的虽然这被称赞为当时联合政府的胜利,但强制性批量计费政策的影响导致许多一般做法的重大损失,因为他们不得不承担提供这些服务的增加成本农村和偏远地区的做法也更有可能受到不成比例的影响。 除了经济上的损失,全科医生也经历了越来越大的压力和倦怠,这个行业现在才开始复苏。根据Cubiko的数据,75%的实践已经从批量计费转向混合或私有计费业务模式另一个值得注意的数据点是自付费用的持续上升(2023年9月为42.03美元,2024年9月为46.64美元)。随着全科医生的减少和自付费用的增加,患者最终受到的负面影响最大。澳大利亚统计局最新的患者体验调查结果显示,28%的澳大利亚人等待全科医生预约的时间更长,更大比例(46%)的人报告说,为了紧急医疗护理,他们需要等待24小时或更长时间[更正于2024年11月29日添加,首次在线发布后:第二句已被修改。由于费用原因,推迟看全科医生的澳大利亚人比例从2023年的7%上升到2024.12年的8.8%。不出所料,生活在农村和偏远地区的人感受更强烈。寻求全科护理的延误可能会给卫生系统的其他地方带来更大的压力,尤其是对医院急诊科(ed)已经捉襟见肘的资源密集型服务。来自新南威尔士州的最新健康数据表明,虽然急诊科的使用和等待时间都在增加,但每10万人的全科就诊次数已降至2019年的水平一般医疗服务人数的这种下降可能产生增加大额收费费率的不良影响,这只是由于私人收费的诊疗量的下降超过了大额收费的诊疗量。这可能是一种政治上的权宜之计,但并不能准确反映准入情况。这些统计数据揭示了两个关键问题。第一个是许多全科医生和诊所老板早就知道的:目前的MBS补贴无法支付提供全科医生护理的成本。因此,在许多情况下,对病人大量收费不再是一个可行的选择,全科医生越来越多地被迫收取私人费用。第二,尽管卫生保健日益复杂,但仍继续向患者免费提供许多全科医疗服务。这种复杂性需要一种资金模式,能够更好地支持花在病人身上的更长时间,而目前的医疗保险回扣结构低估了这一点。尽管阿尔巴尼亚政府为医疗保险提供了61亿美元的历史性投资,以支持加强医疗保险特别工作组的建议,但限制2023年对16岁以下儿童和优惠卡持卡人的大额付款奖励的增加,表明政府对大额付款的支持实际上并不普遍。在最近的国际卫生系统绩效比较中,澳大利亚在10个国家中排名第一这一结果以及澳大利亚在应对COVID-19大流行方面的相对成功,在一定程度上可归因于全科医生发挥的核心作用慢性病的迅速增加,加上人口不断增长和老龄化,是卫生系统面临的根本挑战。对批量计费率的关注忽视了这些挑战,并分散了对其他更有意义的措施的关注,这些措施可以告诉我们更多关于澳大利亚全科医疗的质量、结果和公平性的信息。2023年批量计费激励措施的限制进一步降低了批量计费费率作为适当访问标志的效用。尽管医疗保险制度及其引入的全民医疗保健被许多人称赞为澳大利亚最伟大的政策成就之一,但人们也承认,目前的制度需要改革。同样,批量计费一直是一个与医疗保险成功相关的术语,但不再提供一个商定的或有意义的卫生服务获取估计。要成功实施针对21世纪全科医疗复杂性的有效护理模式,就需要使用更现代、更有意义的衡量标准,而这就需要将此类目的的“批量计费”一词弃之历史。无相关披露。不是委托;外部同行评审。
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来源期刊
Medical Journal of Australia
Medical Journal of Australia 医学-医学:内科
CiteScore
9.40
自引率
5.30%
发文量
410
审稿时长
3-8 weeks
期刊介绍: The Medical Journal of Australia (MJA) stands as Australia's foremost general medical journal, leading the dissemination of high-quality research and commentary to shape health policy and influence medical practices within the country. Under the leadership of Professor Virginia Barbour, the expert editorial team at MJA is dedicated to providing authors with a constructive and collaborative peer-review and publication process. Established in 1914, the MJA has evolved into a modern journal that upholds its founding values, maintaining a commitment to supporting the medical profession by delivering high-quality and pertinent information essential to medical practice.
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