Understanding and Addressing Upcoding

IF 3.2 2区 医学 Q2 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Health Services Research Pub Date : 2025-03-17 DOI:10.1111/1475-6773.14606
Bryan Dowd
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The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) provides the following example of upcoding: billing a follow-up visit using a higher-level evaluation and management code, such as a comprehensive new-patient office visit [<span>3</span>].</p><p>Coding diagnoses for medical conditions that the patient never had certainly constitutes fraud, but CMS already allows coding additional diagnoses that increase the cost of treating a patient for a specific condition. The adjustment is made through interaction terms among diagnoses in the computation of risk scores. For example, capitation payment for a diabetic patient is higher if the patient also has congestive heart failure [<span>4</span>]. 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The benchmark, in turn, is computed using diagnosis-based risk adjustment. The more diagnoses that are coded for the patient, the higher the benchmark, and the greater the probability that the ACO will be rewarded with shared savings, rather than penalized. As a result, ACOs that face the risk of a financial penalty for spending above the benchmark have a similar incentive to upcode as MA plans, and they respond accordingly [<span>8</span>]. In response, CMS has found it necessary to impose upcoding ceilings on ACOs in TM, similar to those imposed on MA plans. A recent study also found upcoding by hospitals, whose prospective payments are a function of diagnosis-based risk payments [<span>9</span>].</p><p>Upcoding is symptomatic of larger issues in provider payments. Should providers be paid for services or for diagnoses? FFS payments or risk-adjusted capitation? Each payment system has advantages and disadvantages. 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Abstract

The term “upcoding” has several interpretations. In a recent scoping review, the RAND Corporation defines upcoding as, “…the coding of a patient to a higher complexity level than they would be if payment were unrelated to complexity.” [1] In some contexts, upcoding implies fraudulent behavior. For example, Coustasse defines upcoding as submission of payment codes for more severe and expensive diagnoses or procedures than the provider actually diagnosed or performed [2]. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) provides the following example of upcoding: billing a follow-up visit using a higher-level evaluation and management code, such as a comprehensive new-patient office visit [3].

Coding diagnoses for medical conditions that the patient never had certainly constitutes fraud, but CMS already allows coding additional diagnoses that increase the cost of treating a patient for a specific condition. The adjustment is made through interaction terms among diagnoses in the computation of risk scores. For example, capitation payment for a diabetic patient is higher if the patient also has congestive heart failure [4]. The following analysis assumes there is universal agreement that fraudulent upcoding is rightly illegal and focuses on a suggestion to improve the accuracy of legal upcoding.

There is an adage, “Never assume malevolence when stupidity works just as well.” A modification might read, “Never assume malevolence when Econ 101 works just as well.” A useful guide to understanding human behavior is that people generally do what they are paid to do. In traditional fee-for-service (FFS) Medicare (TM), health care providers are paid to provide services to patients. In contrast, MA plans are paid a capitation amount, and the capitation amount is higher for patients with more medical conditions. Thus, MA plans are rewarded for coding more diagnoses. If we rule out fraudulent coding then the additional diagnoses coded by the MA plan compared to a similar patient in TM represent diagnoses that are observed and documented, but not necessarily diagnoses that increased the cost of treating the patient over the time period used to compute the capitation payment. CMS understands the problem and has responded by reducing the capitation payments to MA plans by 5.9%–an amount that CMS is required to apply, but less than CMS is authorized to use [5]. This uniform adjustment has been criticized, because upcoding varies from MA one plan to another [6].

Upcoding is far from an MA-only problem, although MA accounts for the greatest economic impact of upcoding [7]. In its Accountable Care Organization (ACO) alternative payment models, CMS pays ACOs on a FFS basis, but ACOs are subject to rewards and penalties based on their performance relative to an administratively determined benchmark. The benchmark, in turn, is computed using diagnosis-based risk adjustment. The more diagnoses that are coded for the patient, the higher the benchmark, and the greater the probability that the ACO will be rewarded with shared savings, rather than penalized. As a result, ACOs that face the risk of a financial penalty for spending above the benchmark have a similar incentive to upcode as MA plans, and they respond accordingly [8]. In response, CMS has found it necessary to impose upcoding ceilings on ACOs in TM, similar to those imposed on MA plans. A recent study also found upcoding by hospitals, whose prospective payments are a function of diagnosis-based risk payments [9].

Upcoding is symptomatic of larger issues in provider payments. Should providers be paid for services or for diagnoses? FFS payments or risk-adjusted capitation? Each payment system has advantages and disadvantages. FFS payment provides a claims-based record of what actually was done to the patient, but FFS payment also encourages the prescription of low-value and wasteful services [10]. Capitation payment, adjusted for the enrollee's diagnosis-based “risk” discourages overuse, but encourages upcoding and skimping on services unless health outcomes are closely monitored.

To balance these incentives, Newhouse proposed a blended payment system [11]. CMS's efforts to improve risk adjustment in its V28 initiative involve eliminating some of its Hierarchical Condition Categories (HCCs), and altering the mapping of diagnoses into the remaining HCCs [12]. Lieberman and Ginsburg [6] and Jung, Carlin, and Feldman [13] propose upcoding adjustments that are tied to the MA plan's observed level of upcoding. Other proposals include limiting the sources of diagnosis codes and developing diagnosis weights specific to the MA sector [13].

This approach will not solve all the problems of the Medicare program. For example, outlays will still exceed revenue [14], and TM's level of resource use and fee schedule will continue to set the payment rate for diagnoses in the capitation system [13, 15]. Any payment system will require monitoring and some further diagnosis interactions may need to be added to CMS's current list. But MedPAC estimates that losses to upcoding reached $50 billion in 2024 [5], and thus a sizable investment in addressing the issue is justified.

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

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理解和解决升级。
“上编码”一词有几种解释。在最近的一次范围审查中,兰德公司将“升级编码”定义为“……将患者编码到一个更高的复杂程度,而不是在支付与复杂性无关的情况下。”[1]在某些情况下,上编码意味着欺诈行为。例如,Coustasse将升级编码定义为为比提供者实际诊断或执行的诊断或程序更严重、更昂贵的诊断或程序提交支付代码。医疗保险和医疗补助服务中心(CMS)提供了以下升级编码的示例:使用更高级别的评估和管理代码对后续访问进行计费,例如新患者的综合办公室访问[3]。对患者从未患过的疾病进行编码诊断当然构成欺诈,但CMS已经允许对额外的诊断进行编码,从而增加对特定疾病患者的治疗成本。在计算风险评分时,通过诊断之间的交互项进行调整。例如,如果糖尿病患者同时患有充血性心力衰竭,人头支付会更高。下面的分析假设普遍同意欺诈性的升级编码是非法的,并着重于提高合法升级编码的准确性的建议。有句谚语说:“当愚蠢也能起作用时,永远不要以为是恶意。”如果修改一下,可以这样写:“当经济学101同样有效时,永远不要假设是恶意的。”理解人类行为的一个有用指南是,人们通常做他们被支付的事情。在传统的按服务收费(FFS)医疗保险(TM)中,医疗保健提供者向患者提供服务是有偿的。相比之下,MA计划支付的是按人头计算的金额,而且病情较多的患者按人头计算的金额更高。因此,MA计划因编码更多的诊断而得到奖励。如果我们排除欺诈性编码,那么MA计划编码的额外诊断与TM中的类似患者相比,代表了观察和记录的诊断,但不一定是在用于计算人均支付的时间段内增加了治疗患者的成本的诊断。CMS了解这个问题,并采取了相应措施,将对MA计划的支付额减少了5.9%——这是CMS必须支付的金额,但低于CMS被授权使用[5]的金额。这种统一的调整受到了批评,因为从一个计划到另一个计划的升级编码是不同的。升级编码远非MA唯一的问题,尽管MA对升级编码的经济影响最大。在其问责医疗组织(ACO)替代支付模式中,CMS以FFS为基础向ACOs支付费用,但ACOs根据其相对于行政确定的基准的表现受到奖励和处罚。而基准则是通过基于诊断的风险调整来计算的。为患者编码的诊断越多,基准越高,ACO获得共享节省的奖励(而不是惩罚)的可能性就越大。因此,那些因支出高于基准而面临经济惩罚风险的ACOs,与MA计划有类似的动机来升级代码,并相应地做出回应。作为回应,CMS发现有必要对TM的ACOs施加编码上限,类似于对MA计划施加的上限。最近的一项研究还发现,医院的预期支付是基于诊断的风险支付的一个功能。升级编码是供应商支付中更大问题的征兆。提供者应该为服务付费还是为诊断付费?FFS付款还是风险调整后的资本化?每种支付系统都有优点和缺点。FFS付款提供了一个基于索赔的记录,记录了对患者实际做了什么,但FFS付款也鼓励开出低价值和浪费的服务。根据参保人基于诊断的“风险”进行调整的人头支付,鼓励过度使用,但鼓励升级编码和节省服务,除非对健康结果进行密切监测。为了平衡这些激励,纽豪斯提出了一种混合支付系统b[11]。CMS在其V28倡议中改进风险调整的努力包括取消一些分层疾病类别(HCCs),并将诊断映射更改为剩余的HCCs bb0。Lieberman和Ginsburg bb1和Jung, Carlin和Feldman bb1提出了与MA计划观察到的升级水平相关的升级调整。其他建议包括限制诊断代码的来源和开发特定于MA部门的诊断权重[13]。这种方法不会解决医疗保险计划的所有问题。例如,支出仍将超过收入b[14], TM的资源利用水平和收费时间表将继续决定自费制中诊断的支付率[13,15]。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Health Services Research
Health Services Research 医学-卫生保健
CiteScore
4.80
自引率
5.90%
发文量
193
审稿时长
4-8 weeks
期刊介绍: Health Services Research (HSR) is a peer-reviewed scholarly journal that provides researchers and public and private policymakers with the latest research findings, methods, and concepts related to the financing, organization, delivery, evaluation, and outcomes of health services. Rated as one of the top journals in the fields of health policy and services and health care administration, HSR publishes outstanding articles reporting the findings of original investigations that expand knowledge and understanding of the wide-ranging field of health care and that will help to improve the health of individuals and communities.
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