Cooperation, Trust, and Antagonism: How Public Goods Are Promoted.

Craig D Parks, Jeff Joireman, Paul A M Van Lange
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To understand the dynamics of participation in response to collective need, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary types of need situations. A public good is an entity that relies in whole or in part on contributions to be provided. Examples of public goods are charities and public broadcasting. Public goods require that citizens experience a short-term loss (of their contribution) in order to realize a long-term gain (of the good). However, because everyone can use the good once it is provided, there is also an incentive to not contribute, let others give, and then take advantage of their efforts. This state of affairs introduces a conflict between doing what is best for oneself and what is best for the group. In a public goods situation, cooperation and antagonism impact how one resolves this conflict. The other major type of need situation is a common-pool resource problem. Here, a good is fully provided at the outset, and citizens may sample from it. The resource is usually, but not necessarily, partially replenished. Examples of replenished resources are drinking water and trees; examples of resources that are functionally not replenished are oil and minerals. Common-pool resources allow citizens to experience a short-term gain (by getting what they want in the early life of the resource) but also present the possibility of a long-term loss (if the resource dries up). As with public goods, there is thus a conflict between, on the one hand, acting in one's best interest and taking as much as one wants all the time and, on the other, acting for the good of the group, which requires taking a lesser amount so that the replenishment rate can keep up with the rate of use. As with public goods, both cooperation and antagonism affect this decision. With these situations in mind, we can now dig deeply into the dynamics of both cooperation and antagonism. Cooperation is one of the most heavily studied aspects of human behavior, yet despite this attention, there is much that is not understood about it, including its fundamental base. There are a number of different perspectives on the base. Interdependence theory argues that cooperation is driven by how one interprets the subjective value of the outcomes that will result from various combinations of behaviors. A person who sees a potential result of \"50 to you, 50 to me\" as \"We both would do well\" is more likely to cooperate than the person who sees it as \"I would not outgain the other person.\" Self-control theory suggests that cooperation is a function of how well a person can resist the impulse to benefit now and delay gratification. Evolutionary theory takes many forms but revolves around the extent to which cooperation is adaptive. Finally, the appropriateness framework takes a cognitive approach and assumes that cooperation is determined by a combination of social-cognitive (interpretation of self and the situation) and decision-heuristic factors. We propose that it is possible to integrate across these approaches and understand cooperation as a behavior that is influenced by all of these factors as well as other dynamics, such as cultural mores and personality traits. Antagonism, as it relates to the collective welfare, is a phenomenon with a lesser history but one that is clearly influential. A number of facets of antagonism are relevant. Power, and its abuse, is a major factor, and a specific application to collective goods is the notion of a \"gatekeeper,\" or a person who can completely determine whether a public good exists or a common-pool resource can be used. Gatekeepers tend to demand ample compensation from others in order for the good or resource to go forward. If this demand is resisted, as it often is, the end result is that the good is not provided or the resource not accessed. Another facet is the desire to see an out-group be harmed. Sometimes, this motivation is so strong that people will deny themselves a good outcome in order to see the harm occur. Why someone would want to see an out-group be harmed is debatable, but it may be attributable to a desire to be seen as a winner, or it may be a strategy designed to produce a net benefit for one's in-group. Emotions also play a role, with people tending to assume that out-group members have just basic emotions such as happiness and sadness and not secondary emotions such as guilt and shame. Because out-group members are emotionally simple, it is seen as acceptable to treat them badly. Complicating matters even further is that antagonism can sometimes be seen against in-group members who deviate, in either direction, from the group norm and against individuals who are behaving in a clearly selfless manner, like volunteers. A number of approaches have been proposed to the resolution of public goods problems. Structural solutions act to alter the basic dynamic of the dilemma by means of interventions such as rewards for cooperation, punishment for noncooperation, and selection of a single group member to chart a course of action for everyone. Third-party solutions involve the bringing in of an external agent to help determine how group members should behave. These agents may be more passive and merely suggest solutions, or they may be more active and dictate how decisions will be made, what decision will be made, or both. Finally, psychological solutions involve changing how people view the situation. We finish by discussing how policy makers can improve the chances of a publicly valuable good being supported. We particularly emphasize creation of a felt connection with future generations; clear demonstration of immediate and concrete consequences as a result of failure to provide the good; instillation of a sense of community; and isolation of the good from other, related issues. 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引用次数: 100

Abstract

One of the most continually vexing problems in society is the variability with which citizens support endeavors that are designed to help a great number of people. In this article, we examine the twin roles of cooperative and antagonistic behavior in this variability. We find that each plays an important role, though their contributions are, understandably, at odds. It is this opposition that produces seeming unpredictability in citizen response to collective need. In fact, we suggest that careful consideration of the research allows one to often predict when efforts to provide a collectively beneficial good will succeed and when they will fail. To understand the dynamics of participation in response to collective need, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary types of need situations. A public good is an entity that relies in whole or in part on contributions to be provided. Examples of public goods are charities and public broadcasting. Public goods require that citizens experience a short-term loss (of their contribution) in order to realize a long-term gain (of the good). However, because everyone can use the good once it is provided, there is also an incentive to not contribute, let others give, and then take advantage of their efforts. This state of affairs introduces a conflict between doing what is best for oneself and what is best for the group. In a public goods situation, cooperation and antagonism impact how one resolves this conflict. The other major type of need situation is a common-pool resource problem. Here, a good is fully provided at the outset, and citizens may sample from it. The resource is usually, but not necessarily, partially replenished. Examples of replenished resources are drinking water and trees; examples of resources that are functionally not replenished are oil and minerals. Common-pool resources allow citizens to experience a short-term gain (by getting what they want in the early life of the resource) but also present the possibility of a long-term loss (if the resource dries up). As with public goods, there is thus a conflict between, on the one hand, acting in one's best interest and taking as much as one wants all the time and, on the other, acting for the good of the group, which requires taking a lesser amount so that the replenishment rate can keep up with the rate of use. As with public goods, both cooperation and antagonism affect this decision. With these situations in mind, we can now dig deeply into the dynamics of both cooperation and antagonism. Cooperation is one of the most heavily studied aspects of human behavior, yet despite this attention, there is much that is not understood about it, including its fundamental base. There are a number of different perspectives on the base. Interdependence theory argues that cooperation is driven by how one interprets the subjective value of the outcomes that will result from various combinations of behaviors. A person who sees a potential result of "50 to you, 50 to me" as "We both would do well" is more likely to cooperate than the person who sees it as "I would not outgain the other person." Self-control theory suggests that cooperation is a function of how well a person can resist the impulse to benefit now and delay gratification. Evolutionary theory takes many forms but revolves around the extent to which cooperation is adaptive. Finally, the appropriateness framework takes a cognitive approach and assumes that cooperation is determined by a combination of social-cognitive (interpretation of self and the situation) and decision-heuristic factors. We propose that it is possible to integrate across these approaches and understand cooperation as a behavior that is influenced by all of these factors as well as other dynamics, such as cultural mores and personality traits. Antagonism, as it relates to the collective welfare, is a phenomenon with a lesser history but one that is clearly influential. A number of facets of antagonism are relevant. Power, and its abuse, is a major factor, and a specific application to collective goods is the notion of a "gatekeeper," or a person who can completely determine whether a public good exists or a common-pool resource can be used. Gatekeepers tend to demand ample compensation from others in order for the good or resource to go forward. If this demand is resisted, as it often is, the end result is that the good is not provided or the resource not accessed. Another facet is the desire to see an out-group be harmed. Sometimes, this motivation is so strong that people will deny themselves a good outcome in order to see the harm occur. Why someone would want to see an out-group be harmed is debatable, but it may be attributable to a desire to be seen as a winner, or it may be a strategy designed to produce a net benefit for one's in-group. Emotions also play a role, with people tending to assume that out-group members have just basic emotions such as happiness and sadness and not secondary emotions such as guilt and shame. Because out-group members are emotionally simple, it is seen as acceptable to treat them badly. Complicating matters even further is that antagonism can sometimes be seen against in-group members who deviate, in either direction, from the group norm and against individuals who are behaving in a clearly selfless manner, like volunteers. A number of approaches have been proposed to the resolution of public goods problems. Structural solutions act to alter the basic dynamic of the dilemma by means of interventions such as rewards for cooperation, punishment for noncooperation, and selection of a single group member to chart a course of action for everyone. Third-party solutions involve the bringing in of an external agent to help determine how group members should behave. These agents may be more passive and merely suggest solutions, or they may be more active and dictate how decisions will be made, what decision will be made, or both. Finally, psychological solutions involve changing how people view the situation. We finish by discussing how policy makers can improve the chances of a publicly valuable good being supported. We particularly emphasize creation of a felt connection with future generations; clear demonstration of immediate and concrete consequences as a result of failure to provide the good; instillation of a sense of community; and isolation of the good from other, related issues. We also take up the general problem of distrust of those who establish policy and discuss some methods for helping minimize distrust.

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合作、信任与对抗:公共产品是如何促进的。
社会上最令人烦恼的问题之一是,对于那些旨在帮助许多人的努力,公民的支持程度各不相同。在这篇文章中,我们研究了合作和对抗行为在这种变异中的双重作用。我们发现每一个都扮演着重要的角色,尽管他们的贡献是不一致的,这是可以理解的。正是这种对立使得公民对集体需求的反应似乎不可预测。事实上,我们认为,仔细考虑这项研究可以让人们经常预测,提供集体利益的努力何时会成功,何时会失败。为了了解参与响应集体需要的动态,有必要区分需要情况的主要类型。公共产品是一个全部或部分依赖于捐款的实体。公共产品的例子是慈善机构和公共广播。公共产品要求公民为了实现长期的收益而经历短期的损失(他们的贡献)。然而,因为一旦提供了好东西,每个人都可以使用,所以也有一种不贡献的动机,让别人给予,然后利用他们的努力。这种状况引发了一种冲突:做对自己最有利的事和做对团队最有利的事。在公共产品的情况下,合作与对抗会影响人们如何解决这一冲突。另一种主要的需要情况是共同资源问题。在这里,一开始就提供了充分的商品,公民可以从中取样。资源通常(但不一定)得到部分补充。补充资源的例子是饮用水和树木;在功能上得不到补充的资源有石油和矿物。公共资源允许公民体验短期收益(通过在资源的早期获得他们想要的东西),但也存在长期损失的可能性(如果资源枯竭)。就像公共物品一样,这之间存在着冲突,一方面,为了自己的最大利益而行动,总是想拿多少就拿多少,另一方面,为了群体的利益而行动,这需要少拿一些,这样补充率才能跟上使用速度。与公共产品一样,合作和对抗都会影响这一决策。考虑到这些情况,我们现在可以深入挖掘合作与对抗的动态。合作是人类行为中被研究得最多的方面之一,然而,尽管受到了这种关注,但人们对合作还有很多不了解的地方,包括它的基本基础。在基地上有许多不同的观点。相互依赖理论认为,合作是由一个人如何解释各种行为组合所产生的结果的主观价值所驱动的。如果一个人认为“你50分,我50分”的潜在结果是“我们都会做得很好”,那么他比那些认为“我不会比别人赢”的人更有可能合作。自我控制理论认为,合作取决于一个人能在多大程度上抵制眼前利益和延迟满足的冲动。进化理论有多种形式,但都围绕着合作的适应性程度展开。最后,适当性框架采用认知方法,并假设合作是由社会认知(自我和情境的解释)和决策启发式因素共同决定的。我们认为,有可能将这些方法整合起来,并将合作理解为一种受所有这些因素以及其他动态因素(如文化习俗和人格特征)影响的行为。与集体福利相关的对抗是一种历史较短但显然具有影响力的现象。对抗的许多方面都是相关的。权力及其滥用是一个主要因素,对集体物品的具体应用是“看门人”的概念,或者可以完全确定公共物品是否存在或公共资源是否可以使用的人。看门人倾向于要求他人提供足够的补偿,以使商品或资源继续发展。如果这种需求遭到抵制(这种情况经常发生),最终的结果就是得不到商品或无法获得资源。另一方面是希望看到外群体受到伤害。有时,这种动机是如此强烈,以至于人们会为了看到伤害发生而拒绝自己的好结果。为什么有人希望看到外群体受到伤害是有争议的,但这可能归因于被视为赢家的愿望,或者这可能是一种旨在为自己的内群体创造净利益的策略。 情绪也起着一定的作用,人们倾向于认为群体外成员只有快乐和悲伤等基本情绪,而没有内疚和羞耻等次要情绪。因为外群体成员在情感上很简单,所以对待他们不好被认为是可以接受的。更复杂的是,有时人们会对那些偏离群体规范的内部成员和那些表现出明显无私的个人,比如志愿者,产生敌意。为解决公益问题,已经提出了若干办法。结构性解决方案的作用是改变困境的基本动态,通过干预手段,如合作的奖励,不合作的惩罚,以及选择一个小组成员为每个人制定行动方案。第三方解决方案包括引入外部代理来帮助确定组成员应该如何行为。这些代理可能更被动,仅仅提出解决方案,或者他们可能更主动,决定如何做出决定,做出什么决定,或者两者兼而有之。最后,心理上的解决方案包括改变人们看待情况的方式。最后,我们将讨论政策制定者如何提高公共价值产品得到支持的机会。我们特别强调创造与后代的感觉联系;明确说明不提供货物所造成的直接和具体后果;灌输社区意识;并将好与其他相关问题隔离开来。我们还讨论了对政策制定者不信任的一般问题,并讨论了一些有助于减少不信任的方法。
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: Psychological Science in the Public Interest (PSPI) is a unique journal featuring comprehensive and compelling reviews of issues that are of direct relevance to the general public. These reviews are written by blue ribbon teams of specialists representing a range of viewpoints, and are intended to assess the current state-of-the-science with regard to the topic. Among other things, PSPI reports have challenged the validity of the Rorschach and other projective tests; have explored how to keep the aging brain sharp; and have documented problems with the current state of clinical psychology. PSPI reports are regularly featured in Scientific American Mind and are typically covered in a variety of other major media outlets.
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