Singapore in transition to fourth generation leadership

Q3 Social Sciences Round Table Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI:10.1080/00358533.2023.2201056
James Chin
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Abstract

Singapore is widely regarded as a model city-state. On the surface, Singapore’s political system is no different from most western democracies – it has, among other things, the rule of law, a separation of powers between the three organs of state, and a parliamentary democracy. If the British wanted an example of an ex-colony benefiting from colonial rule, they need not look further than Singapore. In fact Singapore is so successful, its per capita income is now higher than that of the United Kingdom. All this was done in one generation, under the country’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. In reality, Lee Kuan Yew shaped the political system to be neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian. It has been called a soft authoritarian state, an electoral authoritarian state, a nation of consultative authoritarianism, an illiberal regime, a hybrid regime, etc., but what is clear is that the People’s Action Party did manipulate the electoral system to secure an overwhelming dominance in every election in Singapore since independence. Nevertheless, it is also widely accepted that Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP) did enjoy genuine support from a majority of Singapore’s polity. There is no dispute that Lee and the PAP did deliver on the economy, making Singapore the only First World country in Southeast Asia with the highest income per-capita. This was done through what most people would call ‘stateled capitalism’. The extensive control over Singapore society by the PAP has allowed the Singaporean government to place a disproportionate emphasis on meritocracy, competence, efficiency and largely anti-labour policies to stop the trade unions from challenging foreign and local capitalists. No real political opposition was allowed to grow to any significant size. The ‘Singapore Model’ places economic growth, political stability and the creation of wealth as its playbook. The commanding heights of the economy were owned and controlled by Government-linked companies (GLC) and Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds. Perhaps the most important element of the Lee Kuan Yew legacy was his succession plans from one generation to the next. It worked remarkably well for the two prime ministers after Lee: Lee Kuan Yew was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in 1990 as prime minister, while Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s eldest son, took over in 2004. Now we are in the middle of the transition to the fourth generation (4G). The candidate for the prime ministership, Lawrence Wong, has been chosen and is widely expected to take over just before or after the next general election. Elections must be held by the middle of 2025, although under the present system, they can be called earlier.
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新加坡正在向第四代领导人过渡
新加坡被广泛认为是一个模范城市国家。从表面上看,新加坡的政治制度与大多数西方民主国家没有什么不同——它包括法治、三权分立和议会民主。如果英国人想要一个从殖民统治中受益的前殖民地的例子,他们不需要再看新加坡了。事实上,新加坡是如此成功,其人均收入现在高于英国。这一切都是在中国第一任总理李光耀的领导下,在一代人的时间里完成的。事实上,李光耀塑造的政治体系既不是完全民主的,也不是完全独裁的。它被称为软独裁国家、选举独裁国家、协商独裁国家、非自由政权、混合政权等,但很明显,人民行动党确实操纵了选举制度,以确保在新加坡独立以来的每一次选举中都占据压倒性主导地位。尽管如此,人们也普遍认为,李光耀和他的人民行动党确实得到了新加坡大多数政党的真正支持。毫无疑问,李和人民行动党确实在经济上发挥了作用,使新加坡成为东南亚唯一一个人均收入最高的第一世界国家。这是通过大多数人所说的“国家资本主义”实现的。人民行动党对新加坡社会的广泛控制使新加坡政府过分强调精英政治、能力、效率和基本上反劳工的政策,以阻止工会挑战外国和当地资本家。没有任何真正的政治反对派被允许发展到任何显著的规模。“新加坡模式”将经济增长、政治稳定和创造财富作为其策略。经济的制高点由政府关联公司和新加坡主权财富基金拥有和控制。也许李光耀遗产中最重要的元素是他从一代人到下一代人的继承计划。这对李之后的两位总理来说效果非常好:1990年,吴作栋接替李光耀出任总理,2004年,李光耀的长子李显龙接任总理。现在,我们正处于向第四代(4G)过渡的中期。总理候选人黄光裕已经被选中,人们普遍预计他将在下一次大选前后接任。选举必须在2025年年中举行,尽管在目前的制度下,选举可以提前举行。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Round Table
Round Table Social Sciences-Geography, Planning and Development
CiteScore
1.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
77
期刊介绍: Founded in 1910, The Round Table, Britain"s oldest international affairs journal, provides analysis and commentary on all aspects of international affairs. The journal is the major source for coverage of policy issues concerning the contemporary Commonwealth and its role in international affairs, with occasional articles on themes of historical interest. The Round Table has for many years been a repository of informed scholarship, opinion, and judgement regarding both international relations in general, and the Commonwealth in particular, with authorship and readership drawn from the worlds of government, business, finance and academe.
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