Aspekt und Genitivobjekt. Eine kontrastiv-typologische Untersuchung zweier Phänomene der historischen germanischen Syntax. By Olga Heindl. Tübingen: Stauffenburg Verlag, 2017. Pp 266. Paperback. €49,80.

IF 0.4 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Journal of Germanic Linguistics Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI:10.1017/S1470542719000023
Jens Fleischhauer
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Abstract

It is a long-standing debate whether or not old Germanic languages, such as Old High German, Gothic or Old English, had a category of grammatical aspect. The position that the old Germanic languages possessed grammatical means of expressing perfective aspect as in the (contemporary) Slavic languages has been defended and criticized by various authors. Defenders of this view usually propose that verbal prefixes, especially gain Gothic and giin Old High German, were markers of perfective aspect. Olga Heindl takes up this issue in arguing that the Old High German prefix gidid indeed have an aspectual function. A second issue in the analysis of Old High German and Middle High German grammar is the genitive case marking of object arguments. Under certain conditions, object arguments either have to receive the genitive rather than the accusative case marker or the two cases can alternate. An interrelationship between grammatical aspect and case is known in various languages (for an overview on this topic, see Richardson 2012). In some Slavic languages, for example, Polish, Russian, and Czech, an alternation between accusative and genitive case marking of object arguments is well attested. An example from Polish is given in 1. As the contrast between 1a and 1b shows, the case alternation is restricted to perfective verbs. Thus, the case alternation is aspectually constrained.
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观察方面和机体一种历史日耳曼语律的对立面特征的对立面分析奥尔加·海因里德史陶芬伯格出版社,2017年Pp工作推力.Paperback .€49.80 .
古老的日耳曼语言,如古高地德语、哥特语或古英语,是否有语法方面的范畴,这是一个长期的争论。古日耳曼语言与(当代)斯拉夫语言一样,拥有表达完成体的语法手段,这一立场受到了不同作者的辩护和批评。这种观点的捍卫者通常认为,动词前缀,尤其是古高地德语中的gain Gothic和giin,是完成体的标志。奥尔加·海因德尔提出了这个问题,认为古高地德语前缀gidid确实具有方面功能。分析古高地德语和中高地德语语法的第二个问题是宾语论点的属格标记。在某些条件下,宾语论点要么必须接受属格,而不是宾格标记,要么这两种情况可以交替出现。语法方面和格之间的相互关系在各种语言中都是已知的(关于这个主题的概述,请参阅Richardson 2012)。在一些斯拉夫语言中,例如波兰语、俄语和捷克语,宾语论证的宾格和属格标记之间的交替得到了很好的证明。波兰语的一个例子在1中给出。如1a和1b之间的对比所示,格交替仅限于完成动词。因此,案例交替在各个方面都受到约束。
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1.10
自引率
20.00%
发文量
17
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