Reclaiming the Constitutional Text from Originalism: The Case of Executive Power

IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW California Law Review Pub Date : 2018-02-01 DOI:10.2139/SSRN.3103948
V. Nourse
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

There are consequences to theories in a world questioning the power of the President. For decades, some originalists, including Justice Scalia, maintained that the President enjoys “all” executive power. Of course, this is not the Constitution’s actual text (which refers to “the” executive power, not “all” executive power) — but a highly contestable, and potentially dangerous, addition of meaning to the text. As I demonstrate in this Article, adding to the actual text of the Constitution is common in the originalist literature on executive power, whether the precise question is the President’s removal power, the President’s power to refuse to enforce the law, or the President’s obligations under the Emoluments Clause. Using elementary principles from the philosophy of language — principles that apply to all communication — I explain how originalist interpreters in this area “pragmatically enrich” the text, without articulating or justifying those additions and without seeking to test those meanings against the full text of the Constitution. Before one gets to history, the originalist has assumed a unit of textual analysis — a word, a clause, a paragraph — that may effectively enrich the meaning to reflect the interpreter’s preferred policy position. If this is correct, originalists must theorize the “interpretation zone,” a putatively neutral place from which historical inquiries are launched, and explain why interpreters may add meaning by pragmatic enrichment in this zone — particularly if those meanings are falsified by the rest of the Constitution. Perhaps more importantly, originalism’s opponents need to start talking about how to reclaim the actual text of the Constitution.
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从原旨主义中恢复宪法文本:行政权的案例
在一个质疑总统权力的世界里,理论是有后果的。几十年来,包括大法官斯卡利亚在内的一些原旨主义者坚持认为,总统享有“全部”行政权力。当然,这不是宪法的实际文本(它指的是“行政权力”,而不是“所有”行政权力),而是对文本含义的一种极具争议性和潜在危险的补充。正如我在本文中所证明的那样,在原旨主义文献中对宪法的实际文本进行补充是很常见的,无论确切的问题是总统的免职权,总统拒绝执行法律的权力,还是总统根据薪酬条款所承担的义务。运用语言哲学的基本原则——适用于所有交流的原则——我解释了这一领域的原旨主义解释者是如何“务实地丰富”文本的,而不是阐明或证明这些补充,也不是试图用宪法全文来检验这些含义。在研究历史之前,原旨主义者假设了一个文本分析的单位——一个词、一个条款、一个段落——这可能有效地丰富了意思,反映了解释者偏爱的政策立场。如果这是正确的,原始主义者必须将“解释区”理论化,这是一个假定的中立的地方,历史调查是从这里开始的,并解释为什么解释者可以通过实用主义的丰富来增加这个区域的含义——特别是如果这些含义被宪法的其他部分所歪曲。也许更重要的是,原旨主义的反对者需要开始讨论如何收回宪法的实际文本。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.70
自引率
8.30%
发文量
1
期刊介绍: This review essay considers the state of hybrid democracy in California through an examination of three worthy books: Daniel Weintraub, Party of One: Arnold Schwarzenegger and the Rise of the Independent Voter; Center for Governmental Studies, Democracy by Initiative: Shaping California"s Fourth Branch of Government (Second Edition), and Mark Baldassare and Cheryl Katz, The Coming of Age of Direct Democracy: California"s Recall and Beyond. The essay concludes that despite the hoopla about Governor Schwarzenegger as a "party of one" and a new age of "hybrid democracy" in California.
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