{"title":"Sources of US Wealth Inequality: Past, Present, and Future","authors":"Joachim Hubmer, Per Krusell, Anthony A. Smith","doi":"10.1086/712332","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The distribution of wealth in most countries for which there is reliable data is strikingly uneven. There is also recent work suggesting that the wealth distribution has undergone significant movements over time, most recently with a large upward swing in dispersion in several AngloSaxon countries (Piketty 2014; Saez and Zucman 2016). For example, according to the estimates in Saez and Zucman (2016) for the United States, the share of overall wealth held by the top 1% has increased from around 25% in 1980 to more than 40% today; for the top 0.1% it has increased from less than 10% tomore than 20% over the same time period. The observed developments have generated strong reactions across the political spectrum. In his 2014 book Capital in the Twenty-First Century, Piketty is obviously motivated by the growing inequality in itself, but he also suggests that further increases in wealth concentration may lead to both economic and democratic instability. Conservatives in the United States have expressed worries as well: Is the American dream really still alive, or might it be that a large fraction of the population simply will no longer be able to productively contribute to society? Given, for example, that parental wealth and well-being are important determinants of children’s human capital accumulation, these are legitimate concerns regardless of one’s political views. These concerns, moreover, have stimulated the proposal and discussion of a number of possible changes in policy. The primary aim of the present paper is, instead of focusing on policy changes, to understand the determinants of the observed movements in wealth inequality. This aim is basic but well-motivated in light of the","PeriodicalId":51680,"journal":{"name":"Nber Macroeconomics Annual","volume":"35 1","pages":"391 - 455"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5000,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/712332","citationCount":"40","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Nber Macroeconomics Annual","FirstCategoryId":"96","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1086/712332","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 40
Abstract
The distribution of wealth in most countries for which there is reliable data is strikingly uneven. There is also recent work suggesting that the wealth distribution has undergone significant movements over time, most recently with a large upward swing in dispersion in several AngloSaxon countries (Piketty 2014; Saez and Zucman 2016). For example, according to the estimates in Saez and Zucman (2016) for the United States, the share of overall wealth held by the top 1% has increased from around 25% in 1980 to more than 40% today; for the top 0.1% it has increased from less than 10% tomore than 20% over the same time period. The observed developments have generated strong reactions across the political spectrum. In his 2014 book Capital in the Twenty-First Century, Piketty is obviously motivated by the growing inequality in itself, but he also suggests that further increases in wealth concentration may lead to both economic and democratic instability. Conservatives in the United States have expressed worries as well: Is the American dream really still alive, or might it be that a large fraction of the population simply will no longer be able to productively contribute to society? Given, for example, that parental wealth and well-being are important determinants of children’s human capital accumulation, these are legitimate concerns regardless of one’s political views. These concerns, moreover, have stimulated the proposal and discussion of a number of possible changes in policy. The primary aim of the present paper is, instead of focusing on policy changes, to understand the determinants of the observed movements in wealth inequality. This aim is basic but well-motivated in light of the
在大多数有可靠数据的国家,财富的分配是极不平衡的。最近也有研究表明,随着时间的推移,财富分配经历了显著的变化,最近在几个盎格鲁-撒克逊国家,财富分布出现了大幅上升(Piketty 2014;Saez and Zucman 2016)。例如,根据Saez和Zucman(2016)对美国的估计,最富有的1%的人持有的总财富份额从1980年的25%左右增加到今天的40%以上;对于收入最高的0.1%的人来说,这一比例在同一时期从不到10%上升到20%以上。观察到的事态发展在整个政治领域引起了强烈反应。在2014年出版的《21世纪资本论》(Capital In the Twenty-First Century)一书中,皮凯蒂显然是受到日益加剧的不平等本身的推动,但他也指出,财富集中度的进一步提高可能会导致经济和民主的不稳定。美国的保守派也表达了担忧:美国梦真的还活着吗?还是说,很大一部分人口将不再能够为社会做出有成效的贡献?例如,鉴于父母的财富和幸福是儿童人力资本积累的重要决定因素,无论一个人的政治观点如何,这些都是合理的担忧。此外,这些关切刺激了关于若干可能的政策变化的建议和讨论。本文的主要目的不是关注政策变化,而是了解观察到的财富不平等运动的决定因素。这个目标是基本的,但很有动机的
期刊介绍:
The Nber Macroeconomics Annual provides a forum for important debates in contemporary macroeconomics and major developments in the theory of macroeconomic analysis and policy that include leading economists from a variety of fields.