Ripeness in Negotiating with Proscribed Terrorist Groups

IF 1.2 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Ethnopolitics Pub Date : 2021-12-11 DOI:10.1080/17449057.2022.2004778
I. E. Matesan
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Abstract Since the original formulation of ripeness theory, a growing number of conflicts have involved armed groups designated as terrorist organizations. Can conflicts involving terrorist groups also become ripe for negotiations? This article addresses this question by examining how proscription affects the two key mechanisms that can make a conflict ripe for the onset of negotiations: mutually hurting stalemates and the willingness to look for a way out. This article proposes that proscription expands the power asymmetry between states and non-state actors and empowers hardliners, reducing the likelihood that both sides perceive a mutually hurting stalemate. Proscription can also hinder the ability to look for a way out by placing legal constraints on engagement, reducing trust, polarizing inter-group relations and interfering with the ability of third parties to create incentives for negotiations. This article briefly considers these dynamics within the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, showing how a terrorism focus has increased the power asymmetry between Hamas and the Israeli state, has reinforced military responses over diplomatic solutions and has undermined both the perception of a mutually hurting stalemate and the belief of the two sides that a way out is possible through negotiations.
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与被禁止的恐怖组织谈判的成熟度
自成熟度理论最初提出以来,越来越多的冲突涉及被认定为恐怖组织的武装团体。涉及恐怖组织的冲突是否也能成为谈判的时机?本文通过研究禁令如何影响两个关键机制来解决这个问题,这两个关键机制可以使冲突成熟到可以开始谈判:相互伤害的僵局和寻找出路的意愿。这篇文章提出,禁令扩大了国家和非国家行为体之间的权力不对称,并赋予强硬派权力,减少了双方认为相互伤害的僵局的可能性。禁止也会妨碍寻找出路的能力,因为它对接触施加法律限制,减少信任,使集团间关系两极分化,并干扰第三方为谈判创造激励的能力。本文在巴以冲突的背景下简要地考虑了这些动态,展示了恐怖主义的焦点如何增加了哈马斯和以色列国家之间的权力不对称,加强了军事反应而不是外交解决方案,并破坏了双方对相互伤害的僵局的看法和双方通过谈判解决问题的信念。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Ethnopolitics
Ethnopolitics POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
2.10
自引率
12.50%
发文量
37
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