Reconstructing Local Government

IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Vanderbilt Law Review Pub Date : 2017-03-22 DOI:10.2139/ssrn.2939200
Daniel Farbman
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

INTRODUCTIONThe township system is an [e]ducator [i]n Self-Government, and has been commended, at all times, by political thinkers, who have at heart the good of the people. It is one of the grandest of political principles, leaving absolutely to neighborhoods the right to govern themselves in local matters . . . .1Slavery is an indispensable police institution . . . .2In 1860, the population of Granville County, North Carolina, was evenly split: half of the residents were free and half were slaves.3 Local government for the free white citizens took the form of the old county court system-appointed county justices of the peace (generally drawn from the social and economic elite) ran the business of local government.4 Where slavery was strong (as it was in Granville County), the counties were largely controlled by planter elites.5 In every instance county governments were primarily dedicated to protecting the property rights of residents. Counties provided courts and minimal law enforcement, but few other services (schools, aid to the poor, etc.).One reason that the counties were weak was because another, much stronger system of local government existed alongside and within them. The slaves of Granville County were subject to the despotic feudal control of slaveholders on their home plantations.6 With a few minor limitations, slaveholders had wide jurisdiction over slaves' bodies and social lives.7 Although there were certainly circumstances when slaves came into contact with the county court system,8 plantations were the primary unit of local government for the vast majority of the black population.In 1865 at the end of the Civil War, the once stable systems of local government in Granville County (and across the South) were broken. The feudal control of the planters on their plantations was eradicated with emancipation. With the stroke of a pen at Appomattox, the county's citizenry had doubled. More importantly, that citizenry was, for the first time in American history, evenly split between white and black voters. The weak county government that had been run by the planters to protect their property was now tasked with representing and governing a newly integrated population which presented problems of local governance that had never been faced. All of the thorny difficulties of Reconstruction were present: How should freed slaves be integrated into the political community? How should they live as neighbors with their former masters? How should property, power, wealth, and influence be redistributed? How should the South be modernized, reborn, protected? In the face of all this, unable to return to the old system under slavery or chart a path forward, local government floundered and failed.9 What remained was a question: What would local government look like in the post-bellum South?This Article tells the story of the struggle over the answer to that question. At the center of that struggle is an untold legal history of local government reform during Reconstruction. In the years immediately after the Civil War, idealistic Yankee10 reformers went south to help renovate the conquered Confederate states. These men and women were not shy about their desire to remake the South in the image of their northern homes. Specifically, in North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina, these reformers saw the need for functional local government and embarked on a reform experiment that sought to remake the very fabric of southern local government by imposing the model of the New England town through the new state constitutions.Seeing Reconstruction through the history of what I will call the "township experiment" changes the focus from state and national institutions to the local, where the lived difficulties of the post-slavery, post-war South were at play.11 The problem of local government in Granville County was typical of the problem across the region. Emancipation and integration were overlaid onto well-worn social, political, and class structures, which combined to create a strong sense of a southern "way of life" independent of government institutions. …
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重建地方政府
简介乡镇制度是一种自治的教育制度,在任何时候都受到政治思想家的赞扬,他们把人民的利益放在心上。这是最伟大的政治原则之一,绝对让社区有权在地方事务中自治。1监狱是不可或缺的警察机构。2 1860年,北卡罗来纳州格兰维尔县的人口,平均分配:一半的居民是自由的,一半是奴隶。3自由白人公民的地方政府采取了旧的县法院制度的形式,任命县治安法官(通常来自社会和经济精英)来管理地方政府的事务。4在奴隶制很强的地方(就像格兰维尔县一样),各县在很大程度上由种植业精英控制。5在任何情况下,县政府都主要致力于保护居民的财产权。各县提供法院和最低限度的执法,但几乎没有其他服务(学校、对穷人的援助等)。各县之所以软弱,一个原因是,在它们旁边和内部存在着另一个强大得多的地方政府系统。格兰维尔县的奴隶在他们的家乡种植园受到奴隶主的专制封建控制。6除了一些小的限制,奴隶主对奴隶的身体和社会生活有着广泛的管辖权。7尽管奴隶接触到县法院系统时肯定会有一些情况,对于绝大多数黑人来说,8个种植园是地方政府的主要单位。1865年,内战结束时,格兰维尔县(以及整个南部)一度稳定的地方政府体系被打破。随着解放,对种植园主的封建控制被根除了。阿波马托克斯的一笔一挥,该县的公民人数增加了一倍。更重要的是,这是美国历史上第一次,白人和黑人选民平均分配。原本由种植园主管理以保护他们财产的软弱县政府现在的任务是代表和管理新融合的人口,这带来了从未面临过的地方治理问题。重建的所有棘手困难都存在:解放的奴隶应该如何融入政治社区?他们应该如何与以前的主人为邻?财产、权力、财富和影响力应该如何重新分配?南方应该如何现代化、重生和保护?面对这一切,地方政府无法回到奴隶制下的旧制度,也无法规划前进的道路,陷入了困境并失败了。9剩下的是一个问题:在南北战争后的南方,地方政府会是什么样子?这篇文章告诉了为这个问题的答案而斗争的故事。这场斗争的核心是重建期间地方政府改革的不为人知的法律历史。在南北战争后的几年里,理想主义的扬基10改革者南下,帮助重建被征服的邦联各州。这些男人和女人毫不避讳地渴望按照他们北方家园的形象重塑南方。具体来说,在北卡罗来纳州、弗吉尼亚州和南卡罗来纳州,这些改革者看到了地方政府职能的必要性,并开始了一项改革实验,试图通过新的州宪法来重塑南部地方政府的结构。通过我将称之为“乡镇实验”的历史来看待重建,将重点从国家和国家机构转移到地方,在那里,后奴隶制、战后南方的生活困难正在发挥作用。11格兰维尔县的地方政府问题是整个地区问题的典型。解放和融合叠加在陈旧的社会、政治和阶级结构上,这些结构结合在一起,创造了一种强烈的独立于政府机构的南方“生活方式”…
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期刊介绍: Vanderbilt Law Review En Banc is an online forum designed to advance scholarly discussion. En Banc offers professors, practitioners, students, and others an opportunity to respond to articles printed in the Vanderbilt Law Review. En Banc permits extended discussion of our articles in a way that maintains academic integrity and provides authors with a quicker approach to publication. When reexamining a case “en banc” an appellate court operates at its highest level, with all judges present and participating “on the bench.” We chose the name “En Banc” to capture this spirit of focused review and provide a forum for further dialogue where all can be present and participate.
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