New Farm Bills and Farmers’ Resistance to Neoliberalism

Q2 Arts and Humanities The Sociological Bulletin Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI:10.1177/00380229221116994
Satendra Kumar
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Abstract

The farmers’ movement of 2020–2021, which lasted for more than a year has been one of the largest in the history of independent India. It marked a spectacular success in its resistance to neoliberalism and the corporatisation of Indian agriculture. Hundreds of thousands of farmers marched to and camped at the borders of Delhi, India’s capital, and forced the union government to repeal the three farm laws, which were understood to be a likely ‘death warrant’ for farmers. The three controversial farm laws were designed to liberalise India’s agriculture markets, but farmers’ unions and other critics alleged that the three laws would offer an advantage to big corporations at farmers’ expense. In the thick of the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, farmers sustained their more than yearlong protests and finally forced the neoliberal, hard-right Hindu nationalist government of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to back down. It seems that the farmers’ movement has put a check on the march of neoliberalism, though temporarily, and brought back the farm issues and agrarian polity to the forefront of national politics after three decades. The trigger for the farmers’ mobilisation was the repealed three laws, which were passed in September 2020 by the union government and expected to bring ‘revolutionary’ changes to agriculture: The Farmers’Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020; The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Bill, 2020. Together, these laws were designed to change the existing regulatory framework of agriculture. However, the farmers accused the government of avoiding its responsibility to ensure farm produce is acquired at the minimum support price (MSP). Farmers feared that these so-called reforms would leave them at the mercy of corporations that could now enter India’s farming sector with no government safeguards in place. Farmers also feared that they would ultimately lose their land, which was not only their most important asset but also the basis of their identity, heritage and self-esteem. Clearly, farmers and farmers’ unions saw these laws as an attack on their livelihoods and identity.
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新农业法案与农民对新自由主义的抵制
持续了一年多的2020-2021年农民运动是印度独立史上规模最大的运动之一。它标志着它在抵抗新自由主义和印度农业公司化方面取得了惊人的成功。数十万农民游行至印度首都德里边境并在那里扎营,迫使联邦政府废除三项农业法,据了解,这三项法律可能是对农民的“死刑令”。这三项有争议的农业法旨在放开印度的农业市场,但农民工会和其他批评人士声称,这三项法律将以牺牲农民为代价为大公司提供优势。在2019冠状病毒病(新冠肺炎)大流行最严重的时候,农民们持续了长达一年多的抗议活动,最终迫使印度人民党(BJP)的新自由主义、强硬的印度教民族主义政府让步。农民运动似乎暂时阻止了新自由主义的前进,并在三十年后将农业问题和农业政治重新带到了国家政治的前沿。农民动员的导火索是被废除的三项法律,这三项法律于2020年9月由联邦政府通过,预计将给农业带来“革命性”的变化:《2020年农民产品贸易和商业(促进和便利)法案》;《2020年农民(赋权和保护)价格保证协议和农场服务法案》和《2020年基本商品(修正)法案》。这些法律共同旨在改变现有的农业监管框架。然而,农民们指责政府逃避责任,确保以最低支持价格(MSP)收购农产品。农民们担心,这些所谓的改革会让他们任由公司摆布,这些公司现在可以在没有政府保障的情况下进入印度农业部门。农民们还担心他们最终会失去土地,这不仅是他们最重要的资产,也是他们身份、遗产和自尊的基础。显然,农民和农民工会将这些法律视为对他们生计和身份的攻击。
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来源期刊
The Sociological Bulletin
The Sociological Bulletin Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
44
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