Sovereignty and the Sea: How Indonesia Became an Archipelagic State by G. BUTCHER John and R.E. ELSON. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2017. xxvi + 560 pp. Hardcover: SG$58.00; Softcover: SG$45.00.

Eka an Aqimuddin
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Abstract

While reading Sovereignty and the Sea: How Indonesia Became an Archipelagic State , I could not help but reflect on Butcher and Elson ’ s ability to present a detailed picture of the origins of Indonesia, where they analyze the history of Indonesia ’ s protracted diplomatic struggle to become an archipelagic state until its recognition by the international community at the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1982. Further, they plainly describe those involved and how an archipelagic state was conceived, developed, and declared. The evolution of Indonesia ’ s “ Sea Policies ” is discussed chronologically, beginning with the colonial period (Chapter 1) and concluding with the 1982 Montego Bay negotiations (Chapter 17). The discussion is supplemented by a reflection (Chapter 18) and an epilogue (Chapter 19), which explain that Indonesia ’ s diplomatic victory of becoming an archipelagic state was not the end of the story. Instead, it forms a legal basis for advancing towards realizing the ideals articulated in the 13 December 1957 Djuanda Declaration, which signalled Indonesia ’ s intention to become an archipelagic state. This concept resulted from the convergence of brilliant concepts conceived by key Indonesian leaders. Commencing with a conversation between Chairul Saleh (Retired/Veteran Minister) and Mochtar Kusumaatmadja (Territorial Sea Committee/young international law scholar), Chairul urged Mochtar to close the Java Sea as a territorial water. This idea was raised because Indonesia ’ s territorial integrity in the post-colonial era was jeopardized by the presence of Dutch military ships that freely sailed through the Java Sea towards West Irian. Mochtar initially denied Chairul ’ s idea because it violated international law. Chairul then implied that Mochtar was not revolutionary enough and, if this former mindset had prevailed during the colonial period, Indonesia would not have achieved
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《主权与海洋:印度尼西亚如何成为群岛国》作者:G. BUTCHER John和R.E. ELSON。新加坡:新加坡国立大学出版社,2017。xxvi + 560页精装版:58新元;平装:SG 45.00美元。
在阅读《主权与海洋:印度尼西亚如何成为一个群岛国家》时,我不禁反思了布彻和埃尔森对印度尼西亚起源的详细描述,他们在书中分析了印度尼西亚在1982年联合国海洋法会议上被国际社会承认之前,为成为一个群岛国家而进行的旷日持久的外交斗争的历史。此外,它们清楚地描述了相关人员以及群岛国家是如何构想、发展和宣布的。从殖民时期开始(第1章),到1982年蒙特哥湾谈判结束(第17章),按时间顺序讨论了印度尼西亚“海洋政策”的演变。对讨论的补充是反思(第18章)和结语(第19章),它们解释了印度尼西亚成为群岛国家的外交胜利并不是故事的结束。相反,它构成了推动实现1957年12月13日《琼达宣言》所阐述的理想的法律基础,该宣言标志着印度尼西亚打算成为一个群岛国家。这一概念源于印度尼西亚主要领导人构想的杰出概念的融合。Chairul Saleh(退休/资深部长)和Mochtar Kusumaatmadja(领海委员会/年轻的国际法学者)之间的对话开始时,Chairul敦促Mochtar关闭爪哇海作为领海。之所以提出这个想法,是因为在后殖民时代,荷兰军舰自由穿过爪哇海驶向西爱尔兰,危及了印度尼西亚的领土完整。Mochtar最初否认了Chairul的想法,因为这违反了国际法。Chairul随后暗示,Mochtar不够革命,如果这种前一种心态在殖民时期盛行,印度尼西亚就不会实现
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