Homelessness Is a Housing Problem: How Structural Factors Explain U.S. Patterns

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI:10.1177/00943061231181317f
Michele Wakin
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Abstract

Turkey’’ (p. 91). The new movements aim to help new immigrants, the homeless, and other disadvantaged groups. According to Ciftci, the Labor and Justice Platform and Anti-capitalist Muslims promote Islamic justice as their platform of resistance against government corruption. On the other hand, Ciftci’s interviews with Turkish youth show that they are primarily concerned with justice and feel that justice could be established in a secular democracy; yet their understanding of justice is strongly tied to Islam. The interview data reveal that Turkish youth express a belief in a just ruler who maintains fairness. Although Ciftci attempts to provide context for the variation in youth perspectives about democracy and justice, it is unclear why they value a secular democracy even though their vision of social justice is guided by Islam. Perhaps more context about their socioeconomic, racial, ethnic, gender, and religiosity variations could explain this. Also, since this is a discussion of youth perspectives, there also needs to be a reference to parental or family influence on their attitudes about democracy. Youth are highly impressionable, and more context about their social environment and demographic information would help to frame their perspectives. There seems to be an abrupt departure from the qualitative analysis of the Turkish case study in Chapters Seven and Eight, which take a different methodological and locational turn. Chapter Seven provides statistical data testing Muslims’ religiosity and support for democracy, and Chapter Eight provides a discussion of the Arab Spring and perceptions about justice in Muslim societies outside of Turkey. While these two chapters examine information about the variation in Muslim attitudes about democracy, they might provide more context for the analysis if the data were integrated with the qualitative data of the case study of Turkey rather than as separate chapters. This would make the data easier to follow and compare. Overall, Ciftci provides a focused and well-written account of Turkish experiences with democracy and justice. This book could be used in advanced undergraduate and beginning graduate-level courses on Islamic Studies or Political Sociology. Scholars could use this book to advance their research on Islamist movements and the revival of Islam in contemporary Muslim societies.
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无家可归是一个住房问题:结构性因素如何解释美国的模式
土耳其”(第91页)。这些新运动旨在帮助新移民、无家可归者和其他弱势群体。根据Ciftci的说法,劳工和正义平台和反资本主义穆斯林将伊斯兰正义作为抵制政府腐败的平台。另一方面,Ciftci对土耳其青年的采访表明,他们主要关心正义,并认为正义可以在世俗民主中建立;然而,他们对正义的理解与伊斯兰教密切相关。访谈数据显示,土耳其青年表达了对维护公平的公正统治者的信仰。尽管Ciftci试图为年轻人对民主和正义的不同看法提供背景,但尚不清楚为什么他们重视世俗民主,尽管他们对社会正义的看法是由伊斯兰教指导的。也许更多关于他们的社会经济、种族、民族、性别和宗教信仰差异的背景可以解释这一点。此外,由于这是关于青年观点的讨论,因此还需要提及父母或家庭对他们对民主的态度的影响。青年极易受影响,更多地了解他们的社会环境和人口信息将有助于形成他们的观点。第七章和第八章中对土耳其案例研究的定性分析似乎突然偏离,这两章采用了不同的方法和地点转向。第七章提供了统计数据来测试穆斯林的宗教信仰和对民主的支持,第八章讨论了阿拉伯之春和对土耳其以外穆斯林社会正义的看法。虽然这两章考察了有关穆斯林对民主态度变化的信息,但如果这些数据与土耳其案例研究的定性数据相结合,而不是作为单独的章节,它们可能会为分析提供更多的背景。这将使数据更容易跟踪和比较。总的来说,Ciftci对土耳其民主和正义的经历提供了一个重点突出、文笔优美的描述。这本书可以用于先进的本科和开始研究生水平的课程,伊斯兰研究或政治社会学。学者们可以利用这本书来推进他们对伊斯兰运动和伊斯兰教在当代穆斯林社会复兴的研究。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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