The impact of gender on votes for the populist radical rights: Marine Le Pen vs. Eric Zemmour

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Modern & Contemporary France Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI:10.1080/09639489.2022.2134328
N. Mayer
{"title":"The impact of gender on votes for the populist radical rights: Marine Le Pen vs. Eric Zemmour","authors":"N. Mayer","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2134328","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT According to a large body of research, women are less likely than men to vote for radical right parties, a phenomenon termed the ‘Radical Right Gender Gap’ (RRGG). However, recent studies show that the gap varies widely depending on the country considered, the nature of the election, the strategy, and the reputation of the radical right. To study the relationship between gender and radical right populism the French RN (ex FN) chaired since 2011 by a woman, Marine Le Pen, is a good case. In the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections she managed to close the RRGG, attracting as many female and male voters. In the 2022 presidential election, she was challenged on her right by a newcomer, Eric Zemmour, founder of the party Reconquête! (Reconquest!), openly claiming his masculinity. While both clearly belong to the ‘populist radical right’ (PRR) by their nativist, authoritarian and anti-elites stands, they have completely opposite strategies. Marine Le Pen since 2011 is trying to mainstream the party and soften its image, while Zemmour takes a radical and provocative posture. Drawing from electoral surveys on the last three presidential elections (2012–2022), and controlling by sociodemographic and attitudinal variables, I show that the RRGG disappeared for Marine le Pen but persisted for Zemmour.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Modern & Contemporary France","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2134328","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3

Abstract

ABSTRACT According to a large body of research, women are less likely than men to vote for radical right parties, a phenomenon termed the ‘Radical Right Gender Gap’ (RRGG). However, recent studies show that the gap varies widely depending on the country considered, the nature of the election, the strategy, and the reputation of the radical right. To study the relationship between gender and radical right populism the French RN (ex FN) chaired since 2011 by a woman, Marine Le Pen, is a good case. In the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections she managed to close the RRGG, attracting as many female and male voters. In the 2022 presidential election, she was challenged on her right by a newcomer, Eric Zemmour, founder of the party Reconquête! (Reconquest!), openly claiming his masculinity. While both clearly belong to the ‘populist radical right’ (PRR) by their nativist, authoritarian and anti-elites stands, they have completely opposite strategies. Marine Le Pen since 2011 is trying to mainstream the party and soften its image, while Zemmour takes a radical and provocative posture. Drawing from electoral surveys on the last three presidential elections (2012–2022), and controlling by sociodemographic and attitudinal variables, I show that the RRGG disappeared for Marine le Pen but persisted for Zemmour.
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
性别对民粹主义激进权利投票的影响:马琳·勒庞vs.埃里克·泽穆尔
根据大量的研究,女性比男性更不可能投票给激进右翼政党,这种现象被称为“激进右翼性别差距”(RRGG)。然而,最近的研究表明,这一差距因所考虑的国家、选举的性质、策略和激进右翼的声誉而有很大差异。为了研究性别与激进右翼民粹主义之间的关系,2011年以来由女性马琳·勒庞(Marine Le Pen)担任主席的法国国民社会党(前国民阵线)就是一个很好的例子。在2012年和2017年的总统选举中,她成功地关闭了RRGG,吸引了尽可能多的女性和男性选民。在2022年的总统选举中,她的右侧受到了新人埃里克·泽穆尔的挑战,他是政党Reconquête!(重新征服!),公开宣称他的男子气概。虽然从他们的本土主义、威权主义和反精英立场来看,他们显然都属于“民粹主义激进右翼”(PRR),但他们的战略完全相反。自2011年以来,马琳·勒庞一直试图将该党主流化并软化其形象,而泽穆尔则采取激进和挑衅的姿态。根据对最近三次总统选举(2012-2022)的选举调查,并在社会人口统计学和态度变量的控制下,我表明,马琳·勒庞的RRGG消失了,但泽莫尔的RRGG仍然存在。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
33.30%
发文量
68
期刊最新文献
Cacaphonies: the excremental canon of French literature The deluge: France’s 2024 legislative elections Un-layering Greece: imagined classical heritages in French nationalist travel writing Filiations abortives : l’avortement dans la littérature française de l’extrême contemporain À la recherche de l’homme nouveau – Alberto Savinio et les avant-gardes à Paris 1911–1937
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1