Pride or Prejudice? Clarifying the Role of White Racial Identity in Recent Presidential Elections

IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Polity Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI:10.1086/722807
Richard C. Fording, S. Schram
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Abstract

After the 2016 presidential election, a dominant media narrative emerged which claimed that Donald Trump’s 2016 electoral victory was due to an upsurge in support by working class White voters, largely due to economic anxiety experienced since the 2008 recession. But as survey data from the 2016 election became available, a different story began to emerge. The consensus among social scientists became that racial attitudes were the most important predictors of support for Trump among many White voters in 2016, including those with less than a college education (whose incomes it should be noted may or may not put them in the working class). The literature remains dominated by studies that focus on White hostility toward racial outgroups, but a number of studies have emphasized the importance of Whites’ ingroup attitudes. Trump lost reelection in 2020, but remains popular and most experts anticipate that he will run again in 2024. We therefore need to consider the still-unresolved question of if and how White ingroup identity is relevant to understanding Trump’s electoral success. Yet there are few studies that have actually examined the effects of the full range of ingroup and outgroup attitudes simultaneously. In this paper, we re-evaluate the relative importance of the effect of White Racial Identity (WRI) on vote choice in recent presidential elections. We find that, like indicators of outgroup attitudes, the level of WRI has remained stable over the last several elections and in recent years has actually decreased. We also find that WRI actually has no direct effect on vote choice in recent presidential elections, including the two elections (2016 and 2020) in which Trump ran as the Republican nominee. We find instead that WRI influenced the presidential vote at best indirectly, serving as a platform for expressing White outgroup hostility.
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傲慢还是偏见?澄清白人种族认同在最近总统选举中的作用
2016年总统大选后,出现了一种主流媒体叙事,声称唐纳德·特朗普2016年的选举胜利是由于工人阶级白人选民的支持率飙升,主要是由于2008年经济衰退以来经历的经济焦虑。但随着2016年大选的调查数据公布,一个不同的故事开始出现。社会科学家的共识是,种族态度是2016年许多白人选民支持特朗普的最重要预测因素,包括那些受过大学以下教育的人(应该注意的是,他们的收入可能会也可能不会让他们进入工人阶级)。文献中仍然以关注白人对种族外群体的敌意的研究为主,但许多研究强调了白人对种族内群体态度的重要性。特朗普在2020年连任失败,但仍然很受欢迎,大多数专家预计他将在2024年再次参选。因此,我们需要考虑一个尚未解决的问题,即白人群体身份是否以及如何与理解特朗普的选举成功相关。然而,很少有研究真正同时考察了全方位的群体内和群体外态度的影响。在本文中,我们重新评估了白人种族认同(WRI)对最近总统选举中选票选择的影响的相对重要性。我们发现,与群体外态度的指标一样,WRI的水平在过去几次选举中保持稳定,近年来实际上有所下降。我们还发现,在最近的总统选举中,WRI实际上对选票选择没有直接影响,包括特朗普作为共和党提名人参加的两次选举(2016年和2020年)。相反,我们发现WRI充其量只是间接地影响了总统投票,充当了表达白人群体外敌意的平台。
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来源期刊
Polity
Polity POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
1.60
自引率
0.00%
发文量
61
期刊介绍: Since its inception in 1968, Polity has been committed to the publication of scholarship reflecting the full variety of approaches to the study of politics. As journals have become more specialized and less accessible to many within the discipline of political science, Polity has remained ecumenical. The editor and editorial board welcome articles intended to be of interest to an entire field (e.g., political theory or international politics) within political science, to the discipline as a whole, and to scholars in related disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities. Scholarship of this type promises to be highly "productive" - that is, to stimulate other scholars to ask fresh questions and reconsider conventional assumptions.
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