{"title":"Small state, big example: Covid pandemic management in Bhutan","authors":"N. Kaul","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1904359","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In a world with drastic and exacerbating inequalities where health and well-being have been supplanted by wealth and hell being, the pandemic is a complex global occurrence that affected different subsets of populations with variable intensity within and across national borders. The pandemic and the responses to it must force us yet again to rethink the most fundamental aspects of security and power. As many critical scholars have often argued, human security is not assured by increased defence budgets, and the idea of big powers and strong states mean little if that size and strength cannot translate into the well-being of the population. In this article, I reflect upon the reasons why a country like Bhutan has been able to successfully manage the pandemic in a way that many larger and wealthier nations have not. I have been substantively involved in studying Bhutan for over a decade and a half, having worked on analysing its transition to democracy and democratic consolidation between 2008 and 2018, and currently leading my research project on conceptualising an understanding of biodemocracy using Bhutan as an exemplar, which examines the political, developmental, and ecological dimensions of policymaking in this country. Bhutan is a small Himalayan country with significant resource constraints (a low-income country) and yet it did not lose a single person to the pandemic in 2020. As of late March 2021, there has been one Covid-related death in Bhutan of a 34-year-old man with chronic liver disease and renal failure, who tested positive for COVID-19 and died at a hospital in the capital Thimphu (“Bhutan reports,” 2021). While pandemic profiteering affects wealthy advanced democracies like the UK where allegations emerged of cronyism in the awarding of contracts and the lockdown policies were often shambolic, in Bhutan, from the very outset, the head of state, the government, the bureaucracy, and the citizenry came together to swiftly and substantively mitigate the public health crisis (see Ongmo and Parikh 2020). The first Covid patient in Bhutan in March 2020 was an American tourist, whose presentation was atypical, yet the dedicated procedures and swift decisionmaking meant that he was identified and treated. In addition, those attending to him were isolated and monitored, and provided with counselling for trauma afterwards (for details, see LeVine et al. 2020). Contact tracing in Bhutan has been rigorous and efficient. At a very early stage, on March 22nd, Bhutan instituted travel restrictions to prevent foreign import, and managed to avoid community transmission until very late in 2020. Travel facilities were arranged for those Bhutanese who were abroad and wished to return to the country. Anyone coming into the country was required to undergo tests and extended mandatory quarantine (21 instead of the usual 14 days) at designated hotels; this was paid for by the government. Until September 2020 (after which public cost sharing was introduced), the government had spent about Nu 248.27 million on hotels that served as quarantine facilities for 14,667 people (“Sharing Cost,” 2020). Bhutan’s pandemic challenge was not miniscule; it borders two of the most populous countries in the world, India and China, affected severely by the pandemic. It has a significant volume of trade with its transit state India and apart","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8000,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904359","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Critical Studies on Security","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904359","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Abstract
In a world with drastic and exacerbating inequalities where health and well-being have been supplanted by wealth and hell being, the pandemic is a complex global occurrence that affected different subsets of populations with variable intensity within and across national borders. The pandemic and the responses to it must force us yet again to rethink the most fundamental aspects of security and power. As many critical scholars have often argued, human security is not assured by increased defence budgets, and the idea of big powers and strong states mean little if that size and strength cannot translate into the well-being of the population. In this article, I reflect upon the reasons why a country like Bhutan has been able to successfully manage the pandemic in a way that many larger and wealthier nations have not. I have been substantively involved in studying Bhutan for over a decade and a half, having worked on analysing its transition to democracy and democratic consolidation between 2008 and 2018, and currently leading my research project on conceptualising an understanding of biodemocracy using Bhutan as an exemplar, which examines the political, developmental, and ecological dimensions of policymaking in this country. Bhutan is a small Himalayan country with significant resource constraints (a low-income country) and yet it did not lose a single person to the pandemic in 2020. As of late March 2021, there has been one Covid-related death in Bhutan of a 34-year-old man with chronic liver disease and renal failure, who tested positive for COVID-19 and died at a hospital in the capital Thimphu (“Bhutan reports,” 2021). While pandemic profiteering affects wealthy advanced democracies like the UK where allegations emerged of cronyism in the awarding of contracts and the lockdown policies were often shambolic, in Bhutan, from the very outset, the head of state, the government, the bureaucracy, and the citizenry came together to swiftly and substantively mitigate the public health crisis (see Ongmo and Parikh 2020). The first Covid patient in Bhutan in March 2020 was an American tourist, whose presentation was atypical, yet the dedicated procedures and swift decisionmaking meant that he was identified and treated. In addition, those attending to him were isolated and monitored, and provided with counselling for trauma afterwards (for details, see LeVine et al. 2020). Contact tracing in Bhutan has been rigorous and efficient. At a very early stage, on March 22nd, Bhutan instituted travel restrictions to prevent foreign import, and managed to avoid community transmission until very late in 2020. Travel facilities were arranged for those Bhutanese who were abroad and wished to return to the country. Anyone coming into the country was required to undergo tests and extended mandatory quarantine (21 instead of the usual 14 days) at designated hotels; this was paid for by the government. Until September 2020 (after which public cost sharing was introduced), the government had spent about Nu 248.27 million on hotels that served as quarantine facilities for 14,667 people (“Sharing Cost,” 2020). Bhutan’s pandemic challenge was not miniscule; it borders two of the most populous countries in the world, India and China, affected severely by the pandemic. It has a significant volume of trade with its transit state India and apart
在一个不平等现象严重且日益加剧的世界上,健康和福祉已被财富和地狱所取代,这一流行病是一种复杂的全球现象,影响着国家境内外不同的人口群体,其强度各不相同。这一大流行病及其应对措施必须再次迫使我们重新思考安全和权力的最基本方面。正如许多持批评态度的学者经常指出的那样,增加国防预算并不能保证人类安全,如果规模和实力不能转化为人民的福祉,那么大国和强国的概念就没有什么意义。在这篇文章中,我思考了为什么像不丹这样的国家能够以许多更大、更富裕的国家无法做到的方式成功地控制这一流行病。我一直在实质性地参与研究不丹超过十年半,曾在分析其过渡到民主和民主巩固2008年和2018年之间的工作,目前领导我的研究项目概念化生物民主的理解使用不丹为例,它检查了政治,发展和生态层面的政策制定在这个国家。不丹是一个资源严重受限的喜马拉雅小国(一个低收入国家),但它在2020年没有因大流行而失去一个人。截至2021年3月下旬,不丹有一名34岁的慢性肝病和肾衰竭患者与COVID-19相关死亡,他的COVID-19检测呈阳性,并在首都廷布的一家医院死亡(“不丹报告”,2021年)。虽然大流行的暴利行为影响了富裕的发达民主国家,如英国,在那里出现了在合同授予中任人自亲的指控,封锁政策往往是混乱的,但在不丹,从一开始,国家元首、政府、官僚机构和公民就团结起来,迅速而实质性地缓解了公共卫生危机(见Ongmo和Parikh 2020)。2020年3月,不丹的第一位新冠肺炎患者是一名美国游客,他的表现不典型,但专门的程序和迅速的决策意味着他得到了识别和治疗。此外,对那些照顾他的人进行隔离和监测,并在事后提供创伤咨询(详细信息,见LeVine et al. 2020)。不丹的接触者追踪工作严格而有效。在非常早期的阶段,3月22日,不丹制定了旅行限制以防止外国进口,并设法避免社区传播,直到2020年底。为那些在国外并希望回国的不丹人安排了旅行设施。任何进入该国的人都必须在指定的酒店接受检测和延长强制隔离(21天,而不是通常的14天);这是由政府支付的。截至2020年9月(引入公共费用分担制后),政府为14667人提供隔离设施的酒店支出了2.4827亿韩元(“分摊费用”,2020年)。不丹面临的流行病挑战并非微不足道;它与世界上人口最多的两个国家——印度和中国接壤,这两个国家都受到疫情的严重影响。它与它的过境国印度和其他国家有大量的贸易