Beyond colonialism? A comment on the formulation of ‘contact’ archaeology in Australia

IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Australian Archaeology Pub Date : 2021-12-07 DOI:10.1080/03122417.2021.2003976
U. Frederick
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Abstract

Australian archaeologists have been grappling with the complexities of ‘contact archaeology’ since the early 1990s, following pioneering work undertaken by Jim Allen, Judy Birmingham and Campbell Macknight, amongst others. Since that time various alternatives to the usage of the term ‘contact’ have been offered, including ‘cross-cultural encounter’, ‘interaction’, ‘engagement’, ‘negotiation’, ‘exchange’ and ‘entanglement’. Readers well-versed in the Australian literature will recognise this as a familiar problem rather than a revelation. Nonetheless, this paper highlights that ongoing issues persist with regard to how we name, frame and explain archaeologies of culture contact. This field of research gained momentum at a time when Australia and the USA were celebrating key events in the foundational narratives of their nations: the Bicentenary of the First Fleet and the Quincentenary of Columbus, respectively. As archaeologies of the ‘new world’ they are both shaped by the contingencies and consequences of the colonial project. Events and discussion surrounding these commemorations of invasion were controversial, thought-provoking and, importantly, laid the groundwork for renewed thinking about the ongoing impacts and influences of colonialism. Newly expanded formulations of ‘contact’ emerged from debates informed by focussed on-the-ground investigations. They were also shaped by developments in community archaeologies, gender in archaeology, and a growing recognition of Indigenous knowledges and sovereignty. These studies progressed our understanding of the nature, timing and breadth of cross-cultural relations and their material signature. Hence, archaeological studies of exploration, pastoralism, mining, forestry, whaling and migration have indeed indicated that ‘imperial debris’ (Stoler 2008) is scattered far and wide across the continent. But this 30þ year history of Australian archaeology also demonstrates that archaeologies of crosscultural interaction go beyond an IndigenousEuropean framework. We have complex multicultural archaeologies that record the presence of Afghan, Chinese, Japanese, South Sea Islander, and Indonesian individuals and communities, to name a few. These studies have broadened our understanding of what ‘contact’ archaeology may actually embrace, and have drawn attention to acts of resistance, agency, barter, gifting, resilience and other nuanced forms of cross-cultural interaction and exchange. I assume that these advances have been overlooked in this paper because, judging from the reference list, relatively little of the Australian literature has been canvassed. Likewise, many of the archaeologists who fostered the study of ‘contact’ archaeology and/or its theoretical agenda are women, a fact that is silenced in the references therein. These are disappointing elisions, particularly given the authors’ overall intent to redress and ‘recognise structural inequalities’. Here I name a few simply to reinstate some balance: Birmingham (e.g. 1992), Clarke (e.g. 1994), Colley and Bickford (1996), Feakins 2020, Ferrier (e.g. 2016), Ireland (e.g. 2010), Lydon (e.g. 2009), McBryde (e.g. 1989), McDonald (e.g. 2008), Macfarlane (e.g. 2010), May (e.g. May et al. 2013) for Australia; and in North America: Beaudry (e.g. 2013), Deagan (e.g. 1990) Rubertone (e.g. 1989, 1996) and Voss (e.g. 2005). Recalling this history is important, not only because it entails good scholarship, but because it enables us to grasp what has and has not changed, and how much further we have to go. It is important, therefore, to acknowledge that this work is ongoing, and I applaud the authors for taking up the challenge of (re)theorising ‘contact’ in the Australian context. Their aim of generating a ‘decolonising’ and emancipatory approach to research is an especially important prospect. I look forward to following their progress as it unfolds. The authors identify the term ‘contact’ as a central concern of their paper, and a problem which
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除了殖民主义吗?对澳大利亚“接触”考古学提法的评析
自20世纪90年代初以来,澳大利亚考古学家一直在努力解决“接触考古学”的复杂性,此前吉姆·艾伦、朱迪·伯明翰和坎贝尔·麦克奈特等人进行了开创性的工作。从那时起,“接触”一词的不同用法被提出,包括“跨文化相遇”、“互动”、“参与”、“谈判”、“交流”和“纠缠”。精通澳大利亚文学的读者会认为这是一个熟悉的问题,而不是一个启示。尽管如此,本文强调,关于我们如何命名,框架和解释文化接触考古学的持续问题仍然存在。这一研究领域在澳大利亚和美国分别庆祝第一舰队成立200周年和哥伦布发现哥伦布500周年这两个国家的重要事件时获得了发展势头。作为“新世界”的考古学家,它们都受到殖民项目的偶然性和后果的影响。围绕这些纪念入侵的活动和讨论是有争议的,发人深省的,重要的是,为重新思考殖民主义的持续影响和影响奠定了基础。“接触”的新扩展形式出现在集中的实地调查所提供的辩论中。社区考古学的发展、考古学中的性别问题以及对土著知识和主权的日益认识也对它们产生了影响。这些研究促进了我们对跨文化关系的性质、时间和广度及其物质特征的理解。因此,对探险、畜牧业、采矿、林业、捕鲸和移民的考古研究确实表明,“帝国碎片”(Stoler 2008)散布在整个大陆上。但是,澳大利亚考古学30多年的历史也表明,跨文化互动的考古学超越了欧洲本土的框架。我们有复杂的多元文化考古,记录了阿富汗、中国、日本、南海岛民和印度尼西亚个人和社区的存在,仅举几例。这些研究拓宽了我们对“接触”考古学实际上可能包含的内容的理解,并引起了人们对抵抗、代理、物物交换、馈赠、复原力和其他细微形式的跨文化互动和交流的关注。我认为这些进步在本文中被忽略了,因为从参考文献列表来看,相对较少的澳大利亚文献被仔细研究过。同样,许多促进“接触”考古学研究和/或其理论议程的考古学家都是女性,这一事实在其中的参考文献中被沉默了。这些删节令人失望,尤其是考虑到作者的总体意图是纠正和“承认结构性不平等”。在这里,我举几个例子,只是为了恢复一些平衡:伯明翰(1992年)、克拉克(1994年)、科利和比克福德(1996年)、费金斯(2020年)、费瑞尔(2016年)、爱尔兰(2010年)、莱登(2009年)、麦克布赖德(1989年)、麦克唐纳(2008年)、麦克法兰(2010年)、澳大利亚的梅(2013年)等人;北美:Beaudry(如2013年)、Deagan(如1990年)、Rubertone(如1989年、1996年)和Voss(如2005年)。回顾这段历史是很重要的,不仅因为它需要良好的学术研究,而且因为它使我们能够把握什么发生了变化,什么没有变化,以及我们还有多少路要走。因此,重要的是要承认这项工作正在进行中,我赞赏作者在澳大利亚背景下接受(重新)理论化“接触”的挑战。他们的目标是产生一种“去殖民化”和解放的研究方法,这是一个特别重要的前景。我期待着跟进他们的进展。作者将“接触”一词确定为他们论文的中心关注点,这是一个值得关注的问题
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.90
自引率
9.10%
发文量
20
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