A Failed Vision of Empire: The Collapse of Manifest Destiny, 1845–1872

IF 0.1 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY American Nineteenth Century History Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI:10.1080/14664658.2022.2120233
Michael Hill
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

the misalignment between the realities of American trade (and its reliance on opium) and American political rhetoric surrounding the First Opium War (1839–1842). This is powerful stuff and the best expression of Norwood’s idea of “political economy.” Minor errors like referring anachronistically to “Oregon Territory” instead of “the Oregon Country” distract slightly from an enjoyable and important chapter (p. 77). Given more space, Trading Freedommight have more fully unpacked some of its quips and reduced the risk of readers getting wrong impressions. The fleeting observation that diplomacy with China and the Sandwich Islands in 1842 formed “two expansions of US power in the Pacific in one,” for instance, begs for further explanation (p. 92). Had Americans shifted their view of China from “the Indies” to “the Pacific”? While the Chinese portion of Norwood’s source was in reaction to the British, the Hawaiian portion was a tepid response to a Hawaiian diplomatic mission seeking an affirmation of Hawaiian independence. At the same time, more space would allow for consideration of rival sea-to-sea visions like John Jacob Astor’s Astoria. The close timing of the Treaty of Wangxia in 1844 and the combination of the Oregon Treaty and the Mexican-American War in 1846–1848 seem like they should have caused a revolution, but not in Trading Freedom. Elsewhere, readers would benefit frommore elucidation instead of allusion. The “Propped-Open Door” in the title of Chapter Seven seems to be an allusion to John Hay’s “Open Door” policy, but why? Was the “irrepressible conflict” that Frederick Low suggested was coming between China and the West in the 1870s meant to be an echo of William Seward’s antebellum “irrepressible conflict,” or is the repeated phrasing a coincidence? The larger idea of the final three chapters, that the political-economic relationship between China and the United States changed in the later decades of the nineteenth century, is convincing. One wishes it were more complete. The California gold rush probably looms too large in the established narrative of anti-Chinese sentiment leading to the Chinese Exclusion Act (it is a long time from 1849 to 1882, after all), but the narrative in Trading Freedom overcorrects to the point that the gold rush barely registers. It is refreshing to see a discussion of the “Coolie trade” focusing on agricultural labor in the South instead of railroad labor in the West, but surely there should be room to discuss both. The final observation that a political abstraction of a “China trade” of obtaining Chinese goods gave way to an idea of a “China market” of selling American goods in China is appealing. One wishes there were space in the book to explore more fully the shifts in economy underlying the changing political rhetoric.
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帝国的失败愿景:明确命运的崩溃,1845-1872
美国贸易(及其对鸦片的依赖)的现实与美国围绕第一次鸦片战争(1839-1842)的政治言论之间的错位。这是强有力的东西,也是诺伍德“政治经济学”思想的最佳表达。一些小错误,比如把“俄勒冈州领土”写成“俄勒冈州”,而不是“俄勒冈州”,会稍微分散读者对这本有趣而重要的章节的注意力(第77页)。如果有更多的篇幅,《自由交易》可能会更全面地展示它的一些妙语,并减少读者产生错误印象的风险。例如,有一种短暂的观察认为,1842年与中国和桑威奇群岛的外交关系构成了“美国在太平洋的两次扩张”,这需要进一步的解释(第92页)。美国人对中国的看法是否从“印度”转向了“太平洋”?诺伍德的资料来源中的中国部分是对英国的回应,而夏威夷部分则是对夏威夷外交使团寻求确认夏威夷独立的不温不火的回应。与此同时,更多的空间将允许考虑像约翰·雅各布·阿斯特(John Jacob Astor)的《阿斯托里亚》(Astoria)这样的海对海愿景。1844年的《望厦条约》和1846年至1848年的《俄勒冈条约》与美墨战争的结合似乎应该引起一场革命,但在贸易自由方面却没有。在其他地方,读者将受益于更多的阐明而不是典故。第七章标题中的“撑开的门”似乎暗指约翰·海的“开门”政策,但为什么呢?弗雷德里克·洛所说的19世纪70年代中国和西方之间的“不可抑制的冲突”是威廉·苏厄德战前“不可抑制的冲突”的呼应,还是重复的措辞只是巧合?最后三章更大的观点是,中美之间的政治经济关系在19世纪后几十年发生了变化,这是令人信服的。人们希望它更完整。加州淘金热在导致《排华法案》的反华情绪中可能过于突出(毕竟从1849年到1882年是很长一段时间),但《贸易自由》的叙述过度纠正,以至于淘金热几乎没有记录。看到关于“苦力贸易”的讨论集中在南方的农业劳动力,而不是西部的铁路劳动力,这令人耳目一新,但肯定应该有讨论两者的空间。从政治上抽象的获取中国商品的“中国贸易”让位于在中国销售美国商品的“中国市场”,这一观点很有吸引力。人们希望书中有空间更全面地探讨政治辞令变化背后的经济变化。
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