Explosive Conflict: Time-Dynamics of Violence

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI:10.1177/00943061231191421g
C. Barrie
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

The latest title by Randall Collins—Explosive Conflict: Time-Dynamics of Violence—extends the micro-interactional insights of his previous work to explain the temporal dynamics of violence. The book is made up of chapters dedicated either to stand-alone theoretical contributions or illuminating case studies. Overall, the work is a mixture of the familiar (interaction ritual chains; CT/F) from previous work and the new (case studies of the storming of the U.S. Capitol in January 2021; case files from the Harvey Weinstein trials). So diverse are the contents that it would not be possible to cover the book’s entire range in the space of a short review. Suffice it to say that we cover, in true Collins style, everything from high-tech warfare to territorial warfare, via chapter-length sojourns into sports matches, sexual assault, revolution, and police violence. The logic of this diversity is clear: the emotional processes that Collins has previously identified as central to violence obtain anywhere conflict occurs. However, perhaps curiously for someone who has made their name defining the messiness of violence in parsimonious terms, there is no one conceptual or theoretical lesson here. That doesn’t detract necessarily from what is useful in the book. It does contain some key lessons that will be stimulating—and often provoking—to students of violence. One oddity is that these new insights abut against pragmatic policyoriented solutions: for example, cops wearing heart-rate monitors or strategies for going on the offensive if you fall victim to attempted sexual assault (more on these later). In prior work by Collins (e.g., 2008) such recommendations were confined to an Epilogue section, where they were better placed. Chapter One will be familiar to readers of the American Sociological Association Presidential Address (Collins 2012). This is the closest the book comes to a self-contained theory of time dynamics in violence. But some key elements are conspicuously under-theorized: what does Collins mean by polarization here, for example, and how do the more familiar dynamics of ‘‘emotional processes’’ link to more mundane concerns around resourcing and personnel (p. 22)? This gap between the emotional processes Collins sees as inherent to all violence dynamics and other (rival?) explanations for violence outcomes is the weakest part of the framework and the book overall. This gap is most stark in the chapter on police violence. In Chapter Fifteen, Collins writes compellingly of the perceptual distortion that accompanies adrenaline-filled confrontations between police and members of the public. But we are then given just four short paragraphs (p. 280) on why these situations are less about race and more about situational dynamics. That is, racism can’t explain why cops shoot black people—the answer instead lies more in the particular dynamics of any given conflict situation. This is a provocative argument that deserves more attention. After all, the situational dynamics of a given encounter must matter in some way irrespective of race. It would be surprising if racism determined the outcome of every such encounter. But why can’t both contribute something? And, crucially, how might Collins’s influential micro-sociological framework of violence incorporate race into the situational perceptions that explain violence outcomes? This criticism is one that could be made of social interactionist explanations of violence generally. But the criticism applies more acutely when the object of explanation is outcomes of violence over time. In short, we are left wondering whether ‘‘emotional processes’’ in the way in which Collins defines them are actually doing the doing. Examples of this abound. Chapter Five argues that material interests can’t explain action—they are but post-hoc rationalizations of interaction ritual chains. It is followed by a chapter on ‘‘mood swings’’ in the context of the English Revolution and the assault on the U.S. Capitol in January 2021. Here, Collins is at his most engaging—especially when citing first-hand testimony and inferences 428 Reviews
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爆炸性冲突:暴力的时间动力学
Randall Collins的最新著作《爆炸性冲突:暴力的时间动力学》扩展了他之前作品的微观互动见解,解释了暴力的时间动态。这本书由专门介绍独立理论贡献或启发性案例研究的章节组成。总的来说,这部作品融合了之前作品中熟悉的(互动仪式链;CT/F)和新作品(2021年1月冲击美国国会大厦的案例研究;哈维·韦恩斯坦审判的案例文件)。内容如此多样化,以至于不可能在简短的评论中涵盖这本书的全部内容。只需说,我们以真正的柯林斯风格涵盖了从高科技战争到领土战争的一切,通过体育比赛、性侵、革命和警察暴力等长达一章的逗留。这种多样性的逻辑是明确的:柯林斯之前认为暴力的核心情感过程在任何冲突发生的地方都会发生。然而,也许奇怪的是,对于一个以吝啬的术语定义暴力混乱而出名的人来说,这里没有一个概念或理论教训。这并不一定减损书中有用的东西。它确实包含了一些关键的课程,这些课程对暴力学生来说是刺激性的,而且往往是挑衅性的。一个奇怪的地方是,这些新的见解与务实的政策导向的解决方案背道而驰:例如,如果你成为性侵未遂的受害者,警察会佩戴心率监测器或采取进攻策略(稍后会详细介绍)。在柯林斯之前的工作中(例如,2008年),这些建议仅限于结语部分,在那里它们更适合。第一章是美国社会学协会主席演讲(柯林斯,2012年)的读者所熟悉的。这是本书最接近于暴力中时间动态的独立理论。但一些关键因素显然没有得到充分的理论化:例如,柯林斯在这里所说的两极分化是什么意思?更熟悉的“情绪过程”动态如何与围绕资源和人员的更普通的问题联系起来(第22页)?柯林斯认为,所有暴力动态所固有的情感过程与对暴力结果的其他(对立的?)解释之间的这种差距是框架和本书整体中最薄弱的部分。这种差距在关于警察暴力的章节中表现得最为明显。在第十五章中,柯林斯令人信服地写到了警察和公众之间充满肾上腺素的对抗所带来的感知扭曲。但我们只得到了四小段(第280页),说明为什么这些情况与种族无关,而更多地与情境动力学有关。也就是说,种族主义并不能解释警察为什么射杀黑人——答案更多地在于任何特定冲突局势的特殊动态。这是一个挑衅性的论点,值得更多关注。毕竟,无论种族如何,特定遭遇战的态势动态在某种程度上都很重要。如果种族主义决定了每一次这样的遭遇的结果,那将是令人惊讶的。但为什么双方都不能做出贡献呢?至关重要的是,柯林斯颇具影响力的暴力微观社会学框架如何将种族纳入解释暴力结果的情境感知中?这种批评可以从社会互动主义者对暴力的普遍解释中得出。但当解释的对象是随着时间的推移暴力的结果时,这种批评更为尖锐。简言之,我们想知道柯林斯定义的“运动过程”是否真的在做这件事。这方面的例子比比皆是。第五章认为物质利益并不能解释行为,它们只是互动仪式链的事后合理化。接下来是关于英国革命和2021年1月美国国会大厦袭击事件背景下的“摇摆不定”的一章。在这里,柯林斯是最有吸引力的——尤其是在引用第一手证词和推论时。428评论
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