Imperial Incarceration: Detention without Trial in the Making of British Colonial Africa by Michael Lobban
Keally Mcbride
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Abstract
In this book, Michael Lobban examines the extensive use of detention without trial in British Colonial Africa at a period in which, seemingly incongruously, Diceyean rule of law thinking was at its height in the heart of the British Empire. Detention without trial, undermines the rule of law in that the liberty of an individual is constrained without due process, and sometimes without any legal authorisation whatsoever. Lobban begins by asserting that by the time Dicey first wrote Introduction to the study of the Law of the Constitution in 1885, “a unique spirit of legalism . . . was embedded in English constitutional culture” (p. 1). A consequence was that detention without trial was impermissible, and this prohibition was protected by the writ of habeas corpus. How, then, could such extensive use of detention without trial in British Africa at the time have been permissible? Lobban demonstrates that this question is complicated by the fact that many thinkers of the time did not consider the rule of law to be constrained to England itself, but to spread throughout the Empire. Indeed, by the time Dicey was writing, many British imperialists considered the spread of the rule of law to be a central justification for the Empire. In keeping with this, the writ of habeas corpus (in either its common law form, its statutory form, or both) spread across the Empire (p. 5). Of course, even in Britain itself, detention without trial could be justified by limited “suspension” of habeas corpus by Parliament (suspension here is a misnomer – such acts in fact empowered the executive to detain in certain circumstances, thus rendering habeas corpus inapplicable). Notably, Parliament had not enacted habeas corpus suspension legislation in Britain since 1818. Lobban shows that Dicey’s view was that such parliamentary exceptions to the prohibition on detention without trial were acceptable since Parliament could be trusted to introduce such powers only when there was a threat to the rule of law itself. Lobban contends that that this principle translated to the imperial context meant that detention could only be authorised when it was necessary and justifiable in terms of the “common law idiom” (p. 9). Throughout the book, and central to his conclusions, formal and substantive perspectives of the rule of law are distinguished. Though these terms may be considered by some to be anachronistic in the context of this history, Lobban certainly identifies an important distinction between commitments merely to legal authorisation (“formal” rule of law), and commitments to common law rights and liberties (“substantive” rule of law). Lobban uses his material to illustrate that the degree to which formal versus substantive versions of the rule of law were followed tended to be “determined by the attitudes and practices of particular individuals, and reflected the constitutional culture in which they operated” (p. 33). He contends that a substantive approach tended to occur where there was a commitment to rule of law values amongst the colonial governing class, and this in turn tended to map on to areas in which the subjects of detention mechanisms were deemed to be “part of the same political community” (p. 33) – a matter often deeply affected by racial prejudice. Furthermore, such commitments were bolstered when political pressure was brought to bear upon decision makers either in the colony or the metropole. Conversely, where detainees were not deemed to be part of the same political culture, or where little public notice was Cambridge Law Journal, 82(1), March 2023, pp. 178–180 © The Authors, 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Faculty of Law, University of Cambridge doi:10.1017/S0008197323000053
《帝国监禁:英国殖民地非洲建立过程中未经审判的拘留》迈克尔·洛班著
在这本书中,Michael Lobban探讨了在英属殖民地非洲未经审判就广泛使用拘留的情况,在这个时期,狄更斯的法治思想在大英帝国的中心达到了顶峰,这似乎不协调。未经审判的拘留破坏了法治,因为个人的自由在没有正当程序的情况下受到限制,有时甚至没有任何法律授权。Lobban首先断言,当Dicey于1885年首次撰写《宪法法研究导论》时,“一种独特的法律精神……已经植根于英国宪法文化中”(第1页)。其结果是,未经审判的拘留是不允许的,这一禁令受到人身保护令的保护。那么,当时在英属非洲,未经审判就如此广泛地使用拘留是怎么允许的呢?洛班证明,这个问题之所以复杂,是因为当时的许多思想家并不认为法治局限于英格兰本身,而是传播到整个帝国。事实上,在Dicey写作的时候,许多英国帝国主义者认为法治的传播是帝国的核心理由。与此相一致,人身保护令(无论是普通法形式,还是法定形式,或两者兼有)在整个帝国传播开来(第5页)。当然,即使在英国本身,未经审判的拘留也可以通过议会有限地“暂停”人身保护令来证明是合理的(这里的暂停是用词不当——这种行为实际上授权行政部门在某些情况下进行拘留,从而使人身保护权不适用)。值得注意的是,自1818年以来,英国议会还没有颁布人身保护令中止立法。Lobban表明,Dicey的观点是,禁止未经审判拘留的议会例外情况是可以接受的,因为只有在法治本身受到威胁的情况下,议会才能引入此类权力。Lobban认为,这一原则被翻译到帝国语境中,意味着只有在“普通法习语”(第9页)中有必要和正当的情况下,才能授权拘留。在整本书中,也是他结论的核心,对法治的形式和实质观点是不同的。尽管在这段历史的背景下,这些术语可能被一些人认为是不合时宜的,但Lobban肯定指出了仅对法律授权的承诺(“正式”法治)和对普通法权利和自由的承诺(”实质性“法治)之间的重要区别。洛班用他的材料说明,法治的正式版本与实质版本的遵循程度往往“由特定个人的态度和做法决定,并反映了他们运作的宪法文化”(第33页)。他认为,当殖民统治阶级致力于法治价值观时,往往会采取实质性的方法,而这反过来又倾向于将拘留机制的主体视为“同一政治社区的一部分”的领域(第33页)——这一问题往往深受种族偏见的影响。此外,当殖民地或大都市的决策者受到政治压力时,这些承诺得到了加强。相反,如果被拘留者不被视为同一政治文化的一部分,或者很少引起公众注意,《剑桥法律杂志》,82(1),2023年3月,第178–180页©作者,2023。剑桥大学出版社代表剑桥大学法学院出版doi:10.1017/S0008197323000053
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。