Book Review: Workers and Change in China: Resistance, Repression, Responsiveness by Manfred Elfstrom

IF 2.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES China Information Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI:10.1177/0920203X221081349g
Christina Maags
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Abstract

and governments, all of which necessitate the party’s close involvement in the league’s work. Thus, any impetus for the league’s involvement in new areas of work derives from party and government priorities, limiting the league’s own initiatives. He notes that the Youth League combines two organizational identities based on its different functions. The league is a powerful promotion mechanism that acts as a channel for the party’s personnel ‘rejuvenation’ and as the platform for the creation of personal networks, political alliances, and functions. At the same time, it is a weak youth organization that lacks the autonomy and capacity necessary to carry out social work and increase its participatory character (p. 242). Clearly, the first identity is paramount. The volume also includes a very helpful discussion of the declining fortunes of the Youth League under Xi Jinping, who not only viewed the league as a bastion of factionalism – the so-called ‘league faction’ (团派) that provided a base of support for the Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao administration – but also as an obstacle to his political vision for mass organizations, which emphasizes their political character, mandating even closer management by the party. Thus, under Xi, the Youth League has downsized its membership, had its budget substantially reduced, and had its personnel redistributed away from the centre and down to the local levels, among other changes. In August 2016, the state media laid out the party’s substantial reform programme for the league, effectively rendering it politically irrelevant. As Tsimonis concludes, Xi’s reforms promote ‘an even more sterile and formal engagement of Youth League organizations with young people, with an emphasis on routine indoctrination and propaganda functions’ (p. 248), a lost opportunity indeed. Fortunately, we have this excellent book by Tsimonis to enlighten us on why Hu’s reforms were doomed from the start.
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书评:《中国的工人与变革:抵抗、压抑与回应》,作者:曼弗雷德·埃尔斯特罗姆
还有政府,所有这些都需要党密切参与联盟的工作。因此,联盟党参与新领域工作的任何动力都来自党和政府的优先事项,限制了联盟党自己的主动性。他指出,共青团基于其不同的职能,结合了两种组织身份。党团是一个强大的晋升机制,是党内人员“年轻化”的渠道,是建立个人网络、政治联盟和职能的平台。同时,它是一个薄弱的青年组织,缺乏进行社会工作和增加其参与性所必需的自主权和能力(第242页)。显然,第一个身份是最重要的。2016年8月,官方媒体公布了民盟的重大改革计划,有效地使其在政治上无关紧要。幸运的是,我们有齐莫尼斯的这本优秀的书来启发我们,为什么胡的改革从一开始就注定要失败。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
China Information
China Information AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
3.50
自引率
4.80%
发文量
38
期刊介绍: China Information presents timely and in-depth analyses of major developments in contemporary China and overseas Chinese communities in the areas of politics, economics, law, ecology, culture, and society, including literature and the arts. China Information pays special attention to views and areas that do not receive sufficient attention in the mainstream discourse on contemporary China. It encourages discussion and debate between different academic traditions, offers a platform to express controversial and dissenting opinions, and promotes research that is historically sensitive and contemporarily relevant.
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