Designs on Empire: America’s Rise to Power in the Age of European Imperialism

IF 0.1 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY American Nineteenth Century History Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI:10.1080/14664658.2022.2120248
M. Palen
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Abstract

This evidence helps to explain why Brazilians so willingly transitioned to free labor and embraced the view that it was the most economical form of labor. Economic historians have debated whether free labor actually was the most efficient, but Saba’s approach helps to explain why Brazilians embraced the ideology of free labor all the same because their interactions with the American North had convinced them of the system’s value. Saba also illustrates that, while these Brazilian intellectuals lauded American abolitionists and the free labor system they created, they for the most part rejected widespread political participation and the broader social justice agendas that Reconstruction in the United States addressed. In this sense, Brazilian modernizers considered the transition to free labor almost exclusively as a method to secure a low-cost working class rather than as a way to create a just society. That U.S.-based abolitionists shared this vision once again highlights the transnational nature of Brazil’s transition away from a slave labor force. While Saba’s book reveals the role played by elites and members of the intelligentsia in guiding Brazil’s transition to a free labor society, questions pertaining to the role played by the enslaved themselves or the poorer elements of Brazilian society in this transition still need to be explained. In the United States, large numbers of free African Americans, as well as religiously motivated reformers, pushed emancipation along and, in the process, pressured political leaders to do the same. Furthermore, the white working class periodically attacked slavery, believing that it threatened the status of their labor and trades. For these groups, the issue was not about becoming part of a wage labor proletariat but of becoming citizens with access to both prosperity and political power. The role of similar groups in Brazilian society remains yet to be addressed. In addition, more could have been said about the imperative of maintaining an elite-dominated society during a time of global emancipation. Brazil’s monarchy, along with its formal aristocracy, indicates that it was, overall, less democratic than the U.S. during the nineteenth century, making the end of slavery less politically consequential. Grappling with this difference would have added another important dimension to Saba’s otherwise very interesting and informative story of how Brazilian slave emancipation occurred more smoothly and less violently than the war induced demise of slavery in the United States.
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《帝国的设计:美国在欧洲帝国主义时代的崛起
这一证据有助于解释为什么巴西人如此愿意过渡到自由劳动,并接受自由劳动是最经济的劳动形式的观点。经济历史学家一直在争论自由劳动是否真的是最有效的,但萨巴的方法有助于解释为什么巴西人仍然接受自由劳动的意识形态,因为他们与美国北方的互动让他们相信了这个制度的价值。萨巴还表明,尽管这些巴西知识分子赞扬了美国废奴主义者和他们创造的自由劳工制度,但他们在很大程度上拒绝了广泛的政治参与和美国重建所涉及的更广泛的社会正义议程。从这个意义上说,巴西的现代化者几乎完全将向自由劳动力的过渡视为确保低成本工人阶级的一种方法,而不是创造一个公正社会的一种方式。以美国为基地的废奴主义者分享了这一愿景,这再次突显了巴西从奴隶劳动力转型的跨国性质。虽然萨巴的书揭示了精英和知识界成员在引导巴西向自由劳动社会过渡中所发挥的作用,但与被奴役者自己或巴西社会中较贫穷的人在这一过渡中所扮演的角色有关的问题仍需解释。在美国,大量自由的非裔美国人以及有宗教动机的改革者推动了解放,并在这个过程中向政治领导人施压,要求他们也这样做。此外,白人工人阶级定期抨击奴隶制,认为它威胁到他们的劳动和贸易地位。对这些群体来说,问题不在于成为有薪劳动无产阶级的一部分,而在于成为既能获得繁荣又能获得政治权力的公民。类似群体在巴西社会中的作用仍然有待解决。此外,在全球解放时期,维持精英主导的社会的必要性本可以说得更多。巴西的君主制及其正式贵族制度表明,总体而言,它不如19世纪的美国民主,这使得奴隶制的结束在政治上没有那么重要。抓住这一差异,将为萨巴的故事增添另一个重要的方面,萨巴讲述了巴西奴隶解放是如何比战争导致的美国奴隶制的消亡更顺利、更不暴力地进行的。
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18
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