Indigeneity and Sovereignty in Russia

Q3 Arts and Humanities Anthropology and Archeology of Eurasia Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI:10.1080/10611959.2020.1918946
Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer
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Abstract

In the 1990s, a “parade of sovereignties” swept through Russia in the form of bilateral treaties between various republics and Moscow authorities. Some Russian nationalists and centralization advocates, fearful of genuine negotiated federalism, discussed the dangers of Russia falling apart the way the Soviet Union had. But these fears were mostly exaggerated, and in some cases later were used by Moscow officials to advocate abrogating the treaties. The late ethnosociologist Leokadia Drobizheva often sagely warned that “separatism starts from central policies, not from the regions.” The concepts of sovereignty and indigeneity in Russia are slippery and often debated. Thinking about them together enhances understanding of the changing interrelationships among ethnic and place names, and identity politics. Legal definitions of indigeneity differ in the “Federation of Russia” (multiethnic Rossiia) from recommended practices and policies in other parts of the world, as defined by the United Nations. This political anthropology theme issue explores various ways indigeneity and sovereignty have developed in Russia, especially in the post-Soviet period, using four strategic examples. The cases differ from each other, though all feature republics within Russia named for and at least in principle guided by “titular nonRussian people.” I have chosen the cases for their geographical dispersion, interethnic complexities, and fascinating histories of diverse relationships with central authorities in Moscow. No one case is a model for the others, despite efforts by Moscow bureaucrats to centralize and standardize republic policies. None of the chosen cases represent secessionist bids for independence, although such attempts were made during the 1990s in Chechnya, and violently suppressed. Rather, readers should keep in mind the felicitous term “nested sovereignty” to understand the ways “ethnic-based” republics fit into the larger framework of Russia and its regions. That framework has been changing, as identity politics have become increasing fraught during each successive administration of President Putin. By 2020, the framework was formalized with adaptations to Russia’s 1993 Constitution. A nontransparent referendum validated the dominance of the Russian ANTHROPOLOGY & ARCHEOLOGY OF EURASIA 2020, VOL. 59, NO. 1, 1–7 https://doi.org/10.1080/10611959.2020.1918946
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俄罗斯的愤怒与主权
20世纪90年代,一场“主权游行”以各共和国和莫斯科当局之间的双边条约的形式席卷俄罗斯。一些俄罗斯民族主义者和中央集权倡导者担心真正的联邦制谈判,讨论了俄罗斯像苏联那样分崩离析的危险。但这些担忧大多被夸大了,在某些情况下,莫斯科官员后来利用这些担忧主张废除这些条约。已故民族社会学家Leokadia Drobizheva经常明智地警告说,“分离主义始于中央政策,而不是地区。”俄罗斯的主权和土著概念很狡猾,经常引起争论。把它们放在一起思考,可以加深对种族、地名和身份政治之间不断变化的相互关系的理解。根据联合国的定义,“俄罗斯联邦”(多民族的罗西亚)对贫困的法律定义与世界其他地区的建议做法和政策不同。本期政治人类学主题探讨了俄罗斯,特别是后苏联时期,土著和主权的各种发展方式,使用了四个战略例子。这些案例各不相同,尽管俄罗斯境内的所有共和国都是以“名义上的非俄罗斯人”命名的,至少在原则上是以“非俄罗斯人”为指导的。我之所以选择这些案例,是因为它们的地理分散、种族间的复杂性,以及与莫斯科中央当局不同关系的迷人历史。尽管莫斯科官僚们努力将共和国政策集中化和标准化,但没有一个案例是其他案例的典范。所选择的案件都不代表分离主义者争取独立,尽管这种企图发生在20世纪90年代的车臣,并遭到暴力镇压。相反,读者应该记住“嵌套主权”这个恰当的术语,以理解“基于种族的”共和国如何融入俄罗斯及其地区的更大框架。这一框架一直在改变,因为在普京总统的每一届政府中,身份政治都变得越来越令人担忧。到2020年,该框架通过对俄罗斯1993年宪法的修改而正式化。一场不透明的公投验证了俄罗斯人类学和欧亚考古学2020的主导地位,第59卷,第1,1-7https://doi.org/10.1080/10611959.2020.1918946
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Anthropology and Archeology of Eurasia
Anthropology and Archeology of Eurasia Arts and Humanities-History
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期刊介绍: Anthropology and Archeology of Eurasia presents scholarship from Russia, Siberia, the Caucasus, and Central Asia, the vast region that stretches from the Baltic to the Black Sea and from Lake Baikal to the Bering Strait. Each thematic issue, with a substantive introduction to the topic by the editor, features expertly translated and annotated manuscripts, articles, and book excerpts reporting fieldwork from every part of the region and theoretical studies on topics of special interest.
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