An Archaeology of Innovation: Approaching Social and Technological Change in Human Society

IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Australian Archaeology Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI:10.1080/03122417.2022.2140269
Sean Oneill
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

domination to an almost caricatured height. The narrative also undermines the pervasive assumptions about ‘collapses’ and ‘dark ages’ that underpin the times and spaces away from what appears to be state power in the archaeological record. Further, the notion that ‘ancient civilisation’ need be parsed as ‘old state’ is deconstructed and disposed of, with a detour through Minoan Crete (pp.434–439). Imagine the new narratives that might come from presenting the grandness of life in civilisations that called no man ‘king’, from the Tannese kava drinking fraternities to the master painters of Arnhem Land. Chapter 11 takes a final swipe at the teleological framework traditionally used to describe human social evolution in anthropology. The pathway from small, egalitarian bands to hierarchical states is neither linear, nor is it historically or even logically inevitable. North American anthropology and archaeology provide further examples of immense interaction spheres, the construction of complex monuments with a shared standard design and dimensions, and a system of shared animal totems to facilitate movement across the continent, all without a centralised government or paramount ruler. The parallels with Aboriginal Australia are fairly obvious in this case, but there could equally be connections made to Pacific cultures and their maritime networks, or the archaeology of Island Southeast Asia’s so-called ‘theatre’ states. The ambition of this book is perhaps reflected in the fact that its conclusion poses a series of questions rather than providing definitive answers. These have to do with the nature of states, violence, warfare, family structures, and ultimately how our own globalised society seems so incapable of enacting the three freedoms in any concerted or sustainable way. Having dismantled the mythology of modern social science’s approach to the rise of civilisations (as seen mostly through the lenses of anthropology and archaeology), Graeber and Wengrow part with a musing on what myths might be crafted to replace the just-so stories they work so hard to reject. Unfortunately, with Graeber’s untimely passing in 2020, we will never know what sequels to The Dawn of Everything might have told us. That is fine, as it is not Graeber’s job (nor Wengrow’s for that matter) to tell us everything we need to know. Instead, it is up to us to decide how we will pick up the framework that Graeber and Wengrow have woven, what threads we will add to it, what we will keep, and what we will modify or discard. What new history of humanity would emerge if rather than a fairly small, wilfully misinterpreted, unevenly sampled portion of Eurasia, we placed Aboriginal Australia, the Fijian highlands, or coastal Borneo in the centre of the story? All it takes is us imagining more realistic, radically hopeful worlds in which our region’s past contributes a future. As a final note, I have written this review with the interest of AA readers in mind. The book, which featured for a time on the New York Times bestseller list, has certainly made a splash but also attracted critics, some quite strident. Not least I would recommend reading critiques from radical, feminist, and Indigenous scholars (see Kiddey 2022; Knight et al. 2021; Nakamura 2022; Robbins 2022) for different but extremely potent and relevant perspectives to the one presented here.
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创新考古学:接近人类社会的社会和技术变革
统治几乎达到了漫画的高度。这种叙述也破坏了关于“崩溃”和“黑暗时代”的普遍假设,这些假设支撑着时间和空间远离考古记录中似乎是国家权力的假设。此外,“古代文明”需要被解析为“旧国家”的概念被解构和处理,绕道通过米诺斯克里特(第434 - 439页)。想象一下,在一个不称任何人为“国王”的文明中,从Tannese的卡瓦酒联谊会到阿纳姆地的大师画家,展示生命的伟大可能会带来新的叙述。第11章对人类学中传统上用来描述人类社会进化的目的论框架进行了最后的抨击。从小而平等的群体到等级制国家的道路既不是线性的,也不是历史上甚至逻辑上不可避免的。北美人类学和考古学提供了进一步的例子,说明了巨大的互动领域,具有共同标准设计和尺寸的复杂纪念碑的建造,以及一个共同的动物图腾系统,以促进跨大陆的运动,所有这些都没有中央政府或最高统治者。在这种情况下,与澳大利亚土著的相似之处是相当明显的,但同样可能与太平洋文化及其海洋网络有关,或者与东南亚岛屿所谓的“剧院”国家的考古学有关。这本书的野心也许反映在它的结论提出了一系列问题,而不是提供明确的答案。这些都与国家、暴力、战争、家庭结构的本质有关,最终与我们自己的全球化社会似乎无法以任何协调一致或可持续的方式实现三大自由有关。在拆解了现代社会科学研究文明兴起的神话(主要是通过人类学和考古学的视角来看)之后,格雷伯和温格罗开始思考,哪些神话可以被精心打造,以取代他们如此努力地拒绝的所谓故事。不幸的是,随着格雷伯在2020年的不幸去世,我们永远不会知道《万物黎明》的续集会告诉我们什么。这没什么,因为告诉我们需要知道的一切不是格雷伯的工作(也不是温格罗的工作)。相反,我们应该决定如何选择格雷伯和温格罗编织的框架,我们将在其中添加哪些线索,我们将保留哪些,我们将修改或丢弃哪些。如果我们把澳大利亚土著、斐济高地或婆罗洲海岸作为故事的中心,而不是一个相当小的、故意被误解的、取样不均匀的欧亚大陆部分,那么新的人类历史将会出现什么?我们所需要做的就是想象一个更现实、更充满希望的世界,在这个世界里,我们地区的过去为未来做出贡献。最后要说明的是,我写这篇评论时考虑到了AA读者的兴趣。这本书曾一度登上《纽约时报》畅销书排行榜,当然引起了轰动,但也招致了一些批评,其中一些相当尖锐。尤其是我会推荐阅读激进主义者、女权主义者和土著学者的评论(见Kiddey 2022;Knight et al. 2021;中村2022;罗宾斯(Robbins, 2022)的观点与本文中提出的观点不同,但非常有效和相关。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.90
自引率
9.10%
发文量
20
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