Iran's Quiet Revolution: The Downfall of the Pahlavi State Ali Mirsepassi (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2022). Pp. 242. $99.99 hardcover, $29.99 paper. ISBN: 9781108725323

IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES International Journal of Middle East Studies Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI:10.1017/S002074382300034X
Gregory Brew
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Abstract

The Islamic Revolution of 1978–79 is often characterized by scholars as a sudden and violent break, the moment when Iran’s political development took an abrupt turn in a new and revolutionary direction, away from the Westernized modernism of the Pahlavi era toward Khomeini’s brand of political Islamism and vilāyat-i faqīh, or “Guardianship of the Jurist,” the system of government adopted by Iran in the wake of the revolution. In Iran’s Quiet Revolution: The Downfall of the Pahlavi State, Ali Mirsepassi argues that this break was not quite as sudden as we might believe, and that the apparent raison d’être of the shah’s regime was thoroughly, and, in many cases, deliberately, undermined by Pahlavi elites who embraced forms and discourses of gharbzadegi, or “Westoxification,” and antimodernism in the years prior to the Islamic Revolution. Mirsepassi illustrates how a “cultural and discursive shift in Iranian political culture” occurred over the course of the 1960s and 1970s (p. 4). This “Quiet Revolution” was grounded in Heideggerian anxieties surrounding Iran’s encounter with modernity. It drew from distinct currents of Iranian social and political thought, as well as the general antimodernism spreading through Western intellectual circles. Versions of gharbzadegi were adopted by Pahlavi elites, and even the shah himself, to delegitimize liberalism and undermine the regime’s opponents on the Left and among moderates. Although some of the elites Mirsepassi examines seem to have held sincere doubts regarding modernity’s viability, he generally characterizes their efforts in cynical terms, as attempts “to foster national hegemony for one’s own cause and destroy opposing nationmaking ventures” (p. 4). Embracing mysticism and a vision of national identity grounded in pastoral mythology was, as Mirsepassi sees it, an expression of insecurity and a massive gamble by a regime that lacked a fundamental source of legitimacy. This gamble ended in failure and the “violent annihilation” of both the Pahlavi state and its governing elite (p. 5). Mirsepassi structures his book as a series of thematic chapters, often organized around a specific primary source that speaks to a distinct feature of Iran’s Quiet Revolution. Chapter 2, for example, examines Bonyad Monthly, a journal published in 1977–78 with support from Ashraf Pahlavi, the shah’s sister, that was outwardly antimodern and engaged with gharbzadegi. Chapter 3 turns the focus to Ehsan Naraghi, a high-living member of the Pahlavi elite with ties to Queen Farah, whose published work flirted with antimodernism. The chief inspiration for the rise of antimodernism in the late Pahlavi period was the work of Ahmad Fardid, an early Pahlavi era intellectual and the subject of a separate monograph by Mirsepassi. It was Fardid who first formulated gharbzadegi, characterizing it as a cultural, and even spiritual, phenomenon. This contrasted with Jamal Al-e Ahmad’s more famous formulation from the 1960s, which was directed in political terms at the shah’s statebuilding project. When expressed by Pahlavi elites, Westoxification referred to an attack on Iran’s national soul. The antidote to such contamination was a revival of Iran’s ancient past, the resuscitation of Iranian nationhood tied to Iran’s imagined pastoral antiquity. Mirsepassi illustrates an irony: elites educated in the West and tied explicitly to the Pahlavi regime’s programs of land reform, industrialization, and urbanization opined for an agrarian Iran that never existed in the first place.
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伊朗的静悄悄的革命:巴列维政权的垮台(英国剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022)。242页。精装版99.99美元,纸质版29.99美元。ISBN: 9781108725323
学者们经常把1978-79年的伊斯兰革命描述为一次突然而暴力的破裂,这是伊朗政治发展突然转向一个新的革命方向的时刻,从巴列维时代的西方化现代主义转向霍梅尼的政治伊斯兰主义和vilāyat-i faq h,即“法学家的监护”,这是伊朗在革命后采用的政府制度。在《伊朗的静悄悄的革命:巴列维政权的垮台》一书中,阿里·米尔塞帕西认为,这种决裂并不像我们想象的那么突然,而且,在许多情况下,巴列维精英们在伊斯兰革命之前的几年里,接受了“西方毒化”和反现代主义的形式和话语,从而彻底地、甚至故意地破坏了沙阿政权的être。Mirsepassi阐述了“伊朗政治文化的文化和话语转变”是如何在20世纪60年代和70年代发生的(第4页)。这种“安静的革命”是建立在海德格尔围绕伊朗遭遇现代性的焦虑之上的。它借鉴了伊朗社会和政治思想的独特潮流,以及在西方知识界传播的普遍的反现代主义。巴列维的精英们,甚至国王本人,都采用了不同版本的ghabzadegi,以使自由主义失去合法性,并削弱左翼和温和派政权的反对者。尽管米尔塞帕西考察的一些精英似乎对现代性的可行性持真诚的怀疑态度,但他通常用愤世嫉俗的方式来描述他们的努力,作为“为自己的事业培育国家霸权,摧毁反对的国家建立企业”的尝试(第4页)。在米尔塞帕西看来,拥抱神秘主义和基于田园神话的国家认同的愿景是,这是一个缺乏基本合法性的政权的不安全感和大规模赌博的表现。这场赌博以失败和巴列维政权及其统治精英的“暴力毁灭”而告终(第5页)。米尔塞帕西将他的书结构为一系列主题章节,通常围绕一个特定的主要来源组织,讲述伊朗平静革命的一个独特特征。例如,第二章考察了《邦雅德月刊》(Bonyad Monthly),这是一份在1977-78年间出版的杂志,得到了国王的妹妹阿什拉夫·巴列维(Ashraf Pahlavi)的支持,该杂志表面上是反现代的,并与ghabzadegi有联系。第三章将焦点转向了伊山·纳拉格,他是巴列维精英阶层中与法拉女王有联系的上流社会成员,他发表的作品带有反现代主义的色彩。巴列维后期反现代主义兴起的主要灵感来自艾哈迈德·法尔迪德(Ahmad Fardid)的作品。法尔迪德是巴列维早期的一位知识分子,也是米尔塞帕西另一本专著的主题。是Fardid首先提出了ghharbzadegi,并将其描述为一种文化甚至精神现象。这与贾马尔•艾哈迈德(Jamal Al-e Ahmad)在20世纪60年代更为著名的提法形成鲜明对比,后者从政治角度直接针对伊朗国王的国家建设计划。当巴列维精英们表达这一观点时,“西毒”指的是对伊朗民族灵魂的攻击。这种污染的解药是复兴伊朗古老的过去,复兴与伊朗想象中的古代田园联系在一起的伊朗国家。Mirsepassi说明了一个讽刺:在西方受过教育的精英们明确地与巴列维政权的土地改革、工业化和城市化计划联系在一起,他们认为伊朗是一个从未存在过的农业国家。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
10.00%
发文量
81
期刊介绍: The International Journal of Middle East Studies publishes original research on politics, society and culture in the Middle East from the seventh century to the present day. The journal also covers Spain, south-east Europe, and parts of Africa, South Asia, and the former Soviet Union for subjects of relevance to Middle Eastern civilization. Particular attention is paid to the history, politics, economics, anthropology, sociology, literature, and cultural studies of the area and to comparative religion, theology, law, and philosophy. Each issue contains approximately 50 pages of detailed book reviews. Subscribers to the print version also receive the Review of Middle East Studies free. Published under the auspices of the Middle East Studies Association of North America
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