{"title":"Intellectual Life and Literature at Solovki, 1923–1930: The Paris of the Northern Concentration Camps by Andrea Gullotta (review)","authors":"Caryl Emerson","doi":"10.1215/0961754x-10333059","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"O M M O N K N O W L E D G E 1 3 0 attempt to understand political violence in a particular time and place as justifying terrorism always and anywhere, honest biographers have no choice but to try to explain why their subjects made the choices they did. In this context, Alexandrov’s judicious treatment of Savinkov’s argument that, given the political realities of tsarist Russia, violence could be a moral response to evil is especially valuable. The paradox of Savinkov and the other “moral terrorists” discussed in To Break Russia’s Chains is that they justified targeted violence against prominent politicians and influential bureaucrats without rejecting the fifth commandment. According to their reasoning, assassination could be a moral act if the victim was responsible for brutal and unjust policies and if the perpetrator accepted punishment for what was, without question, a sin. Given the reality of tsarist arbitrary rule, the absence of any legal avenues to protest unjust policies, and the terrorists’ belief that inaction meant complicity in a criminal regime, their conclusion that violence and inevitable punishment was the only moral choice is neither incomprehensible nor illogical. Whatever one thinks of Savinkov’s personality and methods, and despite his ultimate failure to achieve his goal, there is something undeniably heroic in his devoting his entire adult life to the struggle against the forces of political tyranny in his homeland. Today, when fantasies of redemptive violence have become a staple of the daily news cycle, Savinkov’s story is particularly relevant. — Anthony Anemone doi 10.1215/0961754X-10333045","PeriodicalId":45679,"journal":{"name":"Common Knowledge","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Common Knowledge","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-10333059","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
O M M O N K N O W L E D G E 1 3 0 attempt to understand political violence in a particular time and place as justifying terrorism always and anywhere, honest biographers have no choice but to try to explain why their subjects made the choices they did. In this context, Alexandrov’s judicious treatment of Savinkov’s argument that, given the political realities of tsarist Russia, violence could be a moral response to evil is especially valuable. The paradox of Savinkov and the other “moral terrorists” discussed in To Break Russia’s Chains is that they justified targeted violence against prominent politicians and influential bureaucrats without rejecting the fifth commandment. According to their reasoning, assassination could be a moral act if the victim was responsible for brutal and unjust policies and if the perpetrator accepted punishment for what was, without question, a sin. Given the reality of tsarist arbitrary rule, the absence of any legal avenues to protest unjust policies, and the terrorists’ belief that inaction meant complicity in a criminal regime, their conclusion that violence and inevitable punishment was the only moral choice is neither incomprehensible nor illogical. Whatever one thinks of Savinkov’s personality and methods, and despite his ultimate failure to achieve his goal, there is something undeniably heroic in his devoting his entire adult life to the struggle against the forces of political tyranny in his homeland. Today, when fantasies of redemptive violence have become a staple of the daily news cycle, Savinkov’s story is particularly relevant. — Anthony Anemone doi 10.1215/0961754X-10333045
在试图将某一特定时间和地点的政治暴力理解为任何时候、任何地方的恐怖主义的正当理由时,诚实的传记作家别无选择,只能试图解释为什么他们的主人公做出了他们所做的选择。在这种背景下,亚历山德罗夫对萨文科夫的论点的明智处理尤其有价值,萨文科夫认为,鉴于沙皇俄国的政治现实,暴力可能是对邪恶的道德反应。《打破俄罗斯的枷锁》一书中讨论的萨文科夫和其他“道德恐怖分子”的悖论在于,他们为针对著名政治家和有影响力的官僚的针对性暴力辩护,却没有拒绝第五诫。根据他们的推理,如果受害者对残酷和不公正的政策负有责任,如果行凶者接受毫无疑问是一种罪行的惩罚,暗杀可能是一种道德行为。鉴于沙皇专制统治的现实,缺乏任何法律途径来抗议不公正的政策,以及恐怖分子认为不作为意味着与犯罪政权共谋,他们认为暴力和不可避免的惩罚是唯一的道德选择,这既不是不可理解的,也不是不合逻辑的。无论人们如何看待萨文科夫的个性和方法,尽管他最终未能实现自己的目标,但他将整个成年生活都投入到反对祖国政治暴政的斗争中,这无疑是一种英雄主义。今天,当救赎性暴力的幻想已经成为每日新闻周期的主要内容时,萨文科夫的故事尤为重要。- Anthony Anemone doi 10.1215/0961754X-10333045