Movements and Parties: Critical Connections in American Political Development

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI:10.1177/00943061231181317ii
Amanda Pullum
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引用次数: 8

Abstract

come from a mostly homogeneous group, their experiences as activists differ widely. Stanger discovered gendered differences in participants’ responses and experiences. Men and women described their reasons for joining their respective movements differently, and they described jails, prison camps, and prisons differently based on their experiences in separate carceral spaces. Stanger argues that women tended to leave prison more changed and with a greater desire to participate in prison reform or abolition. But gender is not the sole factor in Stanger’s analysis. She analyzes the differences between religious and non-religious participants, noting how religious beliefs shaped carceral experiences. She also takes time to discuss race and racial identity, including a particularly memorable story where white participants were ‘‘baffled’’ when SOA Watch member Derrlyn Tom had to explain that their prison experiences differed because the other activists were ‘‘not of color’’ (p. 131). Derrlyn’s explanation points to one of Stanger’s recurring points: most of the participants in this study possess what Stanger calls ‘‘privilege power,’’ which allows them to act as they do (p. 100). They can act as prison witnesses because their white skin, economic privileges, high levels of education, Christian/ Catholic faith, heterosexuality or chaste status, and professional achievements make them seem like unlikely prisoners. Privilege often acts as a shield for participants; it serves as a tool that participants can wield, and it also shapes their experiences as prisoners. However, Stanger’s research reveals that this ‘‘privilege power’’ does not lead to universal experiences for the participants in her study. Stanger is clear about what this study does and does not focus on. She does not debate whether or not the actions taken by the participants in her study count as nonviolent to everyone because she accepts that these actors have articulated their actions as nonviolent. She also stresses that while she understands the limitations and shortcomings of the participants and movements in her research, she chose to uplift the stories that provide models for transformative change. Her work does not ignore difficult questions, but it remains focused on her subjects and their voices. There are some weaknesses within this study—notably, in her historical analysis, Stanger fails to fully address the violent aspects of abolition, and she mentions historical figures such as Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman without discussing any of their public stances on the use of violence for tactical means. However, the strengths of this research outweigh its weaknesses. Incarcerated Resistance offers a thoughtful, feminist analysis of justice action prisoners. Stanger’s work can help readers better understand how activists employ privilege to fight injustice, as well as the consequences of their work.
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运动与政党:美国政治发展的关键联系
来自一个几乎同质的群体,他们作为活动家的经历大相径庭。斯坦格发现参与者的反应和经历存在性别差异。男性和女性对加入各自运动的原因有不同的描述,他们对监狱、战俘营和监狱的描述也有不同,这是基于他们在不同尸体空间的经历。斯坦格认为,女性在离开监狱时往往变化更大,更渴望参与监狱改革或废除。但性别并不是斯坦格分析的唯一因素。她分析了宗教和非宗教参与者之间的差异,指出了宗教信仰是如何塑造尸体体验的。她还花时间讨论种族和种族身份,包括一个特别令人难忘的故事,当SOA观察成员Derrlyn Tom不得不解释他们的监狱经历不同是因为其他活动人士“不是有色人种”时,白人参与者“吓坏了”(第131页)。Derrlyn的解释指向了Stanger反复出现的一点:这项研究中的大多数参与者都拥有Stanger所说的“特权权力”,这使他们能够随心所欲地行事(第100页)。他们可以充当监狱证人,因为他们的白人皮肤、经济特权、高教育水平、基督教/天主教信仰、异性恋或贞洁身份以及职业成就使他们看起来不太可能成为囚犯。特权常常充当参与者的盾牌;它是参与者可以使用的工具,也塑造了他们作为囚犯的经历。然而,斯坦格的研究表明,这种“特权权力”并不能为她的研究参与者带来普遍的体验。斯坦格清楚这项研究的重点和不重点。她不争论参与者在研究中所采取的行动是否对每个人来说都是非暴力的,因为她承认这些参与者已经将他们的行动表述为非暴力的。她还强调,虽然她理解研究中参与者和运动的局限性和缺点,但她选择提升故事,为变革提供模式。她的作品并没有忽视棘手的问题,但它仍然专注于她的主题和他们的声音。这项研究存在一些弱点——值得注意的是,在她的历史分析中,斯坦格未能充分解决废除死刑的暴力方面,她提到了艾玛·戈德曼和亚历山大·伯克曼等历史人物,但没有讨论他们对使用暴力作为战术手段的任何公开立场。然而,这项研究的优点大于缺点。《被监禁的抵抗》对司法行动中的囚犯进行了深思熟虑的女权主义分析。斯坦格的作品可以帮助读者更好地了解活动家如何利用特权来对抗不公正,以及他们作品的后果。
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