Rationality as a Process
M. Rizzo, G. Whitman
{"title":"Rationality as a Process","authors":"M. Rizzo, G. Whitman","doi":"10.1561/105.00000098","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Individual decision-making is not adequately portrayed by focusing on static rationality properties. The static approach can mistake rationality-in-process for bounded rationality or irrationality. We consider a sampling of intellectual frameworks that address decisionmaking rationality as a process, including intrapersonal arbitrage, Wicksteed’s principle of price, dialectical reasoning, and errordriven learning. We conclude that the approach to normative analysis shared by both neoclassical and behavioral economists is not the only possible one and that, in fact, it misses an important aspect of human decision-making. Evaluations based on the static approach are at best incomplete and likely to be misleading. The rationality norms accepted by neoclassical economists and applied by behavioral economists are static. The individual is either “rational” or he is not. His preferences are either completely ordered, consistent through time, and transitive, or they are not. In the neoclassical version of rational choice theory, actual behavior conforms to the static axioms of preference,1 whereas in the behavioral version it falls short. In each conception, the individual’s rationality is described in terms of preferences and beliefs at a given point in time. For some types of analysis – like simply predicting the direction of change in an endogenous variable – this may not be a problem. On the other hand, in welfare and prescriptive analysis it can be inappropriate. If we only take a snapshot of the individual at a moment in time, we will fail to see how the individual’s decision-making evolves. We may simply have of picture of it in an inchoate state. This is especially relevant for policies that aim to intervene in decision-making. If individuals are in the midst of a decision-making process, then the evaluation of their behavior even at a 1In brief, the most important rationality properties are completeness and transitivity of the preference ordering. In addition, actual behavior must be consistent with the preference ordering. ISSN 2326-6198; DOI 10.1561/105.00000098 ©2018 M. J. Rizzo and G. Whitman 202 Mario J. Rizzo and Glen Whitman point in time should be made through the lens of that process. To put matters another way, the unit of evaluation should not be a part of the process but the process as a whole. The purpose of this article is to argue that individual decision-making is not adequately portrayed by focusing on static rationality properties. The static approach can mistake rationality-in-process for bounded rationality or irrationality. In what follows we consider a sampling of intellectual frameworks in increasing order of their “radicalness” in addressing decision-making rationality as a process. Some may be familiar to the reader; others less so. Our fundamental purpose is to show that the approach to normative analysis shared by both neoclassical and behavioral economists is not the only possible one and that, in fact, it misses an important aspect of human decision-making. Evaluations based on the static approach are at best incomplete and likely to be misleading. 1 Intrapersonal Equilibrium There are many manifestations of equilibrium in economics.2 Among the least explored is intrapersonal equilibrium. What is sometimes called the “equilibrium of the individual” generally refers to the adjustment of an individual’s various actions into a coherent whole or, viewed intertemporally, parts of a single plan. This equilibrium is said to be attained immediately. However, in another sense, it is not really attained at all but is “simply” a consistency property, and hence equivalent to a definition of abstract rationality. Accordingly, for standardly rational agents, in either interpretation, (a) every decision is made without the elapse of time and (b) all of these decisions are always mutually consistent. Neoclassical economists accept this both normatively and descriptively, while behavioral economists accept it only normatively. There is good reason to believe that this state of affairs is not likely ex ante. To assume otherwise would be to assume that an individual would have settled, in effect, on a life plan from the beginning of their consciousness. Such an intrapersonal state of equilibrium is analogous to the Arrow-HahnDebreu model of general equilibrium that incorporates demand functions for all commodities in every contingent state of the world, at every time and in every location. The equilibrium of the individual excludes a trial-and-error process by which individuals discover in particular cases what they want and how to get it (Dold, 2018; Plott, 1996). Furthermore, the notion of a fully consistent equilibrium ignores the costs of discovering inconsistencies and then resolving them. There is no reason that an individual can or should try to achieve such consistency, as the cognitive cost of doing so likely exceeds the benefits. “The expected marginal benefit of discovering and/or forming these preferences presumably declines as the 2For a discussion of different types of equilibrium concepts see Tieben (2012). Rationality as a Process 203 compared options get further from one’s likely future experience” (Whitman and Rizzo, 2015, p. 419). At some point, then, achievement of additional degrees of consistency will fail the cost-benefit test. 1.1 Intrapersonal Equilibrium: Austrian Background Precise adherence to formal features of economic rationality was considered unrealistic in the Austrian economics tradition, even before the formalization of the axioms of rational preference and choice. One of the early criticisms of marginal utility theory was that it presupposed deliberations about the value across goods on various margins that are too complicated for real-life individuals to perform. In the late nineteenth century, Böhm-Bawerk (1959 [1889]) replied to this criticism by saying that the individual will, in effect, satisfice, that is, “his performance will do well enough for his purposes” (202). Generally, precision is not to be expected because this can only be achieved at the cost of significant scarce mental effort.3 Therefore, even in a state of complete individual equilibrium, there is not likely be precise determination of marginal valuations. In his criticism of indifference analysis, the interwar Austrian Mayer (1994 [1932]) pointed out that Pareto’s characterization of the individual agent was based on an equilibrium construct in which all of the relevant “magnitudes operative in genetic-causal sequence [are portrayed] as if these existed together at the same time. A state of affairs is synchronized in the ‘static’ approach, whereas in reality we are dealing with a process” (92). While Mayer did not carefully distinguish between the equilibrium of the individual and the determination of equilibrium prices, his criticism is quite general. For Mayer the idea of an individual with a preference or indifference ordering that satisfies all the requirements of consistency ex ante would confuse the possible result of a process with a collection of synchronic characteristics.4 Robbins (1935) characterized one of the central consistency criteria of neoclassical rationality, the transitivity of preferences, as a claim “that in a state a perfect equilibrium the possibility of advantage from further ‘internal 3Böhm-Bawerk suggests a useful maxim: “In really important things, be really exact; in moderately important things be moderately exact; in the myriad trifles of everyday economic life, just make the roughest sort of valuation” (202). This maxim captures the idea that the value of precision may be different in different circumstances and so the degree of precision in decision-making will be contextand content-dependent. 4In fairness to Pareto he sometimes did recognize the existence of a completed process. “A man who buys a certain food for the first time may buy more of it than is necessary to satisfy his tastes, price taken into account. But in the second purchase he will correct his error, in part at least, and thus, little by little, will end up procuring exactly what he needs. We will examine this action at the time when he has reached this state.” (Pareto, 1971 [1906], 103, emphasis added). Pareto extended this idea to reasoning itself: “Similarly, if at first he makes a mistake in his reasoning about what he desires. He will rectify it in repeating the reasoning and will end up making it completely logical” (103). Pareto’s analysis is of the completely logical state. 204 Mario J. Rizzo and Glen Whitman arbitrage operations’ is excluded” (92). This internal equilibrium is analogous to the perfectly competitive market equilibrium insofar as all problems due to lack of foresight, costs of decision-making, or insufficient awareness of opportunities for gain are absent. For the individual as for the market, at any point in time, the process of (internal) arbitrage may not be complete. Nevertheless, economics, in Robbins’s view, is not “limited to the explanation of situations in which action [is] perfectly consistent” (92). Indeed Robbins thought that “it is only in terms of irrational choice, that many of the more complex situations which economics has to study can be explained” (1934, 101). Here, Robbins uses the word “irrational” to mean intransitive, yet he is arguing for adopting a more inclusive model that does not require transitivity. Modern-day economists working in the Austrian tradition have often expressed dissatisfaction with neoclassical models built on the assumption of equilibrium. The equilibrium “solution” to such a model is a state of affairs that satisfies all defining assumptions of the model at once. It is a state of rest with no internal tendency to change. The classic supply-and-demand model is a simple example: at the equilibrium price and quantity, all expectations are fulfilled. The situation is self-reinforcing and therefore, absent any exogenous changes","PeriodicalId":0,"journal":{"name":"","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1561/105.00000098","citationCount":"13","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1561/105.00000098","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 13
Abstract
Individual decision-making is not adequately portrayed by focusing on static rationality properties. The static approach can mistake rationality-in-process for bounded rationality or irrationality. We consider a sampling of intellectual frameworks that address decisionmaking rationality as a process, including intrapersonal arbitrage, Wicksteed’s principle of price, dialectical reasoning, and errordriven learning. We conclude that the approach to normative analysis shared by both neoclassical and behavioral economists is not the only possible one and that, in fact, it misses an important aspect of human decision-making. Evaluations based on the static approach are at best incomplete and likely to be misleading. The rationality norms accepted by neoclassical economists and applied by behavioral economists are static. The individual is either “rational” or he is not. His preferences are either completely ordered, consistent through time, and transitive, or they are not. In the neoclassical version of rational choice theory, actual behavior conforms to the static axioms of preference,1 whereas in the behavioral version it falls short. In each conception, the individual’s rationality is described in terms of preferences and beliefs at a given point in time. For some types of analysis – like simply predicting the direction of change in an endogenous variable – this may not be a problem. On the other hand, in welfare and prescriptive analysis it can be inappropriate. If we only take a snapshot of the individual at a moment in time, we will fail to see how the individual’s decision-making evolves. We may simply have of picture of it in an inchoate state. This is especially relevant for policies that aim to intervene in decision-making. If individuals are in the midst of a decision-making process, then the evaluation of their behavior even at a 1In brief, the most important rationality properties are completeness and transitivity of the preference ordering. In addition, actual behavior must be consistent with the preference ordering. ISSN 2326-6198; DOI 10.1561/105.00000098 ©2018 M. J. Rizzo and G. Whitman 202 Mario J. Rizzo and Glen Whitman point in time should be made through the lens of that process. To put matters another way, the unit of evaluation should not be a part of the process but the process as a whole. The purpose of this article is to argue that individual decision-making is not adequately portrayed by focusing on static rationality properties. The static approach can mistake rationality-in-process for bounded rationality or irrationality. In what follows we consider a sampling of intellectual frameworks in increasing order of their “radicalness” in addressing decision-making rationality as a process. Some may be familiar to the reader; others less so. Our fundamental purpose is to show that the approach to normative analysis shared by both neoclassical and behavioral economists is not the only possible one and that, in fact, it misses an important aspect of human decision-making. Evaluations based on the static approach are at best incomplete and likely to be misleading. 1 Intrapersonal Equilibrium There are many manifestations of equilibrium in economics.2 Among the least explored is intrapersonal equilibrium. What is sometimes called the “equilibrium of the individual” generally refers to the adjustment of an individual’s various actions into a coherent whole or, viewed intertemporally, parts of a single plan. This equilibrium is said to be attained immediately. However, in another sense, it is not really attained at all but is “simply” a consistency property, and hence equivalent to a definition of abstract rationality. Accordingly, for standardly rational agents, in either interpretation, (a) every decision is made without the elapse of time and (b) all of these decisions are always mutually consistent. Neoclassical economists accept this both normatively and descriptively, while behavioral economists accept it only normatively. There is good reason to believe that this state of affairs is not likely ex ante. To assume otherwise would be to assume that an individual would have settled, in effect, on a life plan from the beginning of their consciousness. Such an intrapersonal state of equilibrium is analogous to the Arrow-HahnDebreu model of general equilibrium that incorporates demand functions for all commodities in every contingent state of the world, at every time and in every location. The equilibrium of the individual excludes a trial-and-error process by which individuals discover in particular cases what they want and how to get it (Dold, 2018; Plott, 1996). Furthermore, the notion of a fully consistent equilibrium ignores the costs of discovering inconsistencies and then resolving them. There is no reason that an individual can or should try to achieve such consistency, as the cognitive cost of doing so likely exceeds the benefits. “The expected marginal benefit of discovering and/or forming these preferences presumably declines as the 2For a discussion of different types of equilibrium concepts see Tieben (2012). Rationality as a Process 203 compared options get further from one’s likely future experience” (Whitman and Rizzo, 2015, p. 419). At some point, then, achievement of additional degrees of consistency will fail the cost-benefit test. 1.1 Intrapersonal Equilibrium: Austrian Background Precise adherence to formal features of economic rationality was considered unrealistic in the Austrian economics tradition, even before the formalization of the axioms of rational preference and choice. One of the early criticisms of marginal utility theory was that it presupposed deliberations about the value across goods on various margins that are too complicated for real-life individuals to perform. In the late nineteenth century, Böhm-Bawerk (1959 [1889]) replied to this criticism by saying that the individual will, in effect, satisfice, that is, “his performance will do well enough for his purposes” (202). Generally, precision is not to be expected because this can only be achieved at the cost of significant scarce mental effort.3 Therefore, even in a state of complete individual equilibrium, there is not likely be precise determination of marginal valuations. In his criticism of indifference analysis, the interwar Austrian Mayer (1994 [1932]) pointed out that Pareto’s characterization of the individual agent was based on an equilibrium construct in which all of the relevant “magnitudes operative in genetic-causal sequence [are portrayed] as if these existed together at the same time. A state of affairs is synchronized in the ‘static’ approach, whereas in reality we are dealing with a process” (92). While Mayer did not carefully distinguish between the equilibrium of the individual and the determination of equilibrium prices, his criticism is quite general. For Mayer the idea of an individual with a preference or indifference ordering that satisfies all the requirements of consistency ex ante would confuse the possible result of a process with a collection of synchronic characteristics.4 Robbins (1935) characterized one of the central consistency criteria of neoclassical rationality, the transitivity of preferences, as a claim “that in a state a perfect equilibrium the possibility of advantage from further ‘internal 3Böhm-Bawerk suggests a useful maxim: “In really important things, be really exact; in moderately important things be moderately exact; in the myriad trifles of everyday economic life, just make the roughest sort of valuation” (202). This maxim captures the idea that the value of precision may be different in different circumstances and so the degree of precision in decision-making will be contextand content-dependent. 4In fairness to Pareto he sometimes did recognize the existence of a completed process. “A man who buys a certain food for the first time may buy more of it than is necessary to satisfy his tastes, price taken into account. But in the second purchase he will correct his error, in part at least, and thus, little by little, will end up procuring exactly what he needs. We will examine this action at the time when he has reached this state.” (Pareto, 1971 [1906], 103, emphasis added). Pareto extended this idea to reasoning itself: “Similarly, if at first he makes a mistake in his reasoning about what he desires. He will rectify it in repeating the reasoning and will end up making it completely logical” (103). Pareto’s analysis is of the completely logical state. 204 Mario J. Rizzo and Glen Whitman arbitrage operations’ is excluded” (92). This internal equilibrium is analogous to the perfectly competitive market equilibrium insofar as all problems due to lack of foresight, costs of decision-making, or insufficient awareness of opportunities for gain are absent. For the individual as for the market, at any point in time, the process of (internal) arbitrage may not be complete. Nevertheless, economics, in Robbins’s view, is not “limited to the explanation of situations in which action [is] perfectly consistent” (92). Indeed Robbins thought that “it is only in terms of irrational choice, that many of the more complex situations which economics has to study can be explained” (1934, 101). Here, Robbins uses the word “irrational” to mean intransitive, yet he is arguing for adopting a more inclusive model that does not require transitivity. Modern-day economists working in the Austrian tradition have often expressed dissatisfaction with neoclassical models built on the assumption of equilibrium. The equilibrium “solution” to such a model is a state of affairs that satisfies all defining assumptions of the model at once. It is a state of rest with no internal tendency to change. The classic supply-and-demand model is a simple example: at the equilibrium price and quantity, all expectations are fulfilled. The situation is self-reinforcing and therefore, absent any exogenous changes
理性是一个过程
关注静态理性属性并不能充分描述个人决策。静态方法可能把过程中的理性误认为有限理性或非理性。我们考虑了一个智力框架的样本,这些框架将决策理性作为一个过程,包括个人套利、威克斯特德的价格原则、辩证推理和错误驱动学习。我们的结论是,新古典主义和行为经济学家共同采用的规范分析方法并不是唯一可行的方法,事实上,它忽略了人类决策的一个重要方面。基于静态方法的评估充其量是不完整的,而且可能会产生误导。新古典经济学家所接受并为行为经济学家所应用的理性规范是静态的。个人要么是“理性的”,要么不是。他的偏好要么是完全有序的,随着时间的推移是一致的,并且是可传递的,要么不是。在理性选择理论的新古典主义版本中,实际行为符合静态偏好公理1,而在行为理论版本中则不符合。在每一个概念中,个人的理性都是根据特定时间点的偏好和信念来描述的。对于某些类型的分析——比如简单地预测内生变量的变化方向——这可能不是问题。另一方面,在福利和规定性分析中,它可能是不合适的。如果我们只在某一时刻对个体进行快照,我们将无法看到个体的决策是如何演变的。我们可能只是有一张它在早期状态下的图片。这对于旨在干预决策的政策尤其重要。如果个体处于决策过程中,那么对其行为的评价即使是在1的情况下,最重要的理性属性是偏好排序的完备性和传递性。此外,实际行为必须与偏好顺序一致。ISSN 2326 - 6198;DOI 10.1561/105.00000098©2018 M. J. Rizzo和G. Whitman 202 Mario J. Rizzo和Glen Whitman应该通过这一过程的镜头来指出时间。换句话说,评估单位不应该是过程的一部分,而应该是整个过程。这篇文章的目的是论证个人决策并没有通过关注静态理性属性来充分描述。静态方法可能把过程中的理性误认为有限理性或非理性。在接下来的内容中,我们将考虑一个智力框架的样本,以增加其在将决策理性作为一个过程中的“激进性”的顺序。有些可能是读者所熟悉的;其他人则不那么乐观。我们的根本目的是要表明,新古典主义经济学家和行为经济学家共同采用的规范分析方法并不是唯一可行的方法,事实上,它忽略了人类决策的一个重要方面。基于静态方法的评估充其量是不完整的,而且可能会产生误导。均衡在经济学中有许多表现形式最不为人所知的是人与人之间的平衡。有时被称为“个人的平衡”,通常指的是将个人的各种行为调整成一个连贯的整体,或者从跨时期的角度来看,是一个单一计划的一部分。这种平衡据说是立即达到的。然而,从另一种意义上说,它并没有真正达到,而只是“简单地”一种一致性,因此相当于抽象理性的定义。因此,对于标准理性的行动者,在任何一种解释中,(a)每一个决定都是在没有时间流逝的情况下做出的,(b)所有这些决定总是相互一致的。新古典经济学家在规范性和描述性上都接受这一点,而行为经济学家只在规范性上接受这一点。我们有充分的理由相信,这种事态不太可能事先发生。如果不这样假设,就等于假设一个人从意识开始就已经确定了自己的人生计划。这种个人均衡状态类似于阿罗-汉德布鲁的一般均衡模型,该模型将世界上每一种偶然状态、每一时间、每一地点的所有商品的需求函数纳入其中。个体的平衡排除了一个试错过程,通过这个过程,个体在特定情况下发现他们想要什么以及如何得到它(Dold, 2018;普罗特,1996)。此外,完全一致均衡的概念忽略了发现不一致并解决它们的代价。个人没有理由能够或应该尝试实现这种一致性,因为这样做的认知成本可能超过收益。 发现和/或形成这些偏好的预期边际效益可能会随着时间的推移而下降。关于不同类型的均衡概念的讨论,请参见Tieben(2012)。理性作为一个过程203比较选项从一个人可能的未来经验中得到更多”(惠特曼和里佐,2015年,第419页)。因此,在某种程度上,额外一致性的实现将无法通过成本效益测试。在奥地利学派经济学传统中,甚至在理性偏好和选择公理正式化之前,精确地坚持经济理性的形式特征就被认为是不现实的。早期对边际效用理论的批评之一是,它预设了对不同边际商品价值的考虑,这对于现实生活中的个人来说太复杂了。在19世纪晚期,Böhm-Bawerk(1959[1889])回应了这一批评,他说,个人实际上会满足,也就是说,“他的表现将足够好地达到他的目的”(202)。一般来说,精确度是不能指望的,因为这只能以大量的、稀缺的脑力劳动为代价来实现因此,即使在完全的个体均衡状态下,边际估值也不太可能精确确定。在他对无差异分析的批评中,两次世界大战之间的奥地利人Mayer(1994[1932])指出,帕累托对个体行为人的描述是基于一种均衡结构,在这种结构中,所有相关的“在遗传因果序列中起作用的量”都被描绘成好像它们同时存在一样。事务的状态在‘静态’方法中是同步的,而实际上我们处理的是一个过程”(92)。虽然梅尔没有仔细区分个人均衡和均衡价格的决定,但他的批评相当笼统。对迈耶来说,一个人的偏好或冷漠顺序满足了事前一致性的所有要求,这种想法会把过程的可能结果与共时性特征的集合混淆起来罗宾斯(1935)将新古典理性的核心一致性标准之一,即偏好的传递性,描述为“在一个完全均衡的状态下,从内部进一步获得优势的可能性3Böhm-Bawerk”,这表明了一条有用的格言:“在真正重要的事情上,要真正精确;对于中等重要的事情,要适度精确;在日常经济生活的无数琐事中,只做最粗略的评估”(202)。这条格言抓住了这样一种观点,即在不同的情况下,精确的价值可能是不同的,因此决策的精确程度将取决于上下文内容。公平地说,帕累托有时确实认识到一个完整过程的存在。“一个人第一次购买某种食物,可能会买得比满足他的口味所需要的更多,价格也要考虑在内。但在第二次购买时,他将至少部分地纠正自己的错误,因此,一点一点地,最终将获得他所需要的东西。我们将在他达到这种状态时审查这一行动。(帕累托,1971[1906],103,加注)。帕累托将这一观点扩展到推理本身:“同样,如果一开始他对自己想要的东西的推理犯了错误。他会通过重复推理来纠正它,并最终使其完全合乎逻辑”(103)。帕累托的分析完全是逻辑状态。204 Mario J. Rizzo和Glen Whitman的套利操作“被排除在外”(92)。这种内部均衡类似于完全竞争市场均衡,因为由于缺乏远见、决策成本或对获利机会的认识不足而导致的所有问题都不存在。对于个人而言,对于市场而言,在任何时间点,(内部)套利的过程都可能不完整。然而,在罗宾斯看来,经济学并不“局限于对行为完全一致的情况的解释”(92)。事实上,罗宾斯认为“只有从非理性选择的角度,经济学必须研究的许多更复杂的情况才能得到解释”(1934,101)。在这里,罗宾斯使用“非理性”这个词来表示不及物性,但他主张采用一种不需要及物性的更具包容性的模式。在奥地利学派传统下工作的现代经济学家经常对建立在均衡假设上的新古典主义模型表示不满。这种模型的平衡“解决方案”是一种满足模型所有定义假设的状态。这是一种静止的状态,没有内在的变化趋势。经典的供需模型就是一个简单的例子:在均衡价格和均衡数量下,所有的预期都实现了。 这种情况是自我强化的,因此不存在任何外部变化
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