Beyond crisis management: the lessons of US interventions in Indo–Pakistani nuclear crises

Q2 Social Sciences Nonproliferation Review Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI:10.1080/10736700.2020.1759855
M. Carranza
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

An Indo–Pakistani nuclear and missile race—combined with recent changes in both countries’ nuclear doctrines and the resulting increase in danger of nuclear use—has made it extremely difficult to stabilize nuclear deterrence in South Asia. India and Pakistan are “shooting for a century” of continuing conflict, and may not be able to celebrate the one-hundredth anniversary of their independence if the next crisis between them cannot be defused in time. This excellent book shows the critical role played by the United States and other third parties, including the United Kingdom and China, in de-escalating the first three nuclear crises since the May 1998 Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests. The Indo–Pakistani nuclear competition does not occur in a vacuum, and the two countries’ leaders cannot ignore the international community’s concerns about the potentially catastrophic consequences of a nuclear exchange on the subcontinent. There are a number of studies of the India–Pakistan post-testing nuclear crises, but there is a dearth of in-depth analyses of the processes and mechanisms that shape the behavior of the rival states and affect the outcomes of those crises. Traditional explanations use bilateral deterrence and two-actor bargaining models, and do not systematically use a three-actor bargaining framework. This book breaks new ground, developing a sophisticated model of “brokered bargaining.” It starts from the premise that the combination of regional nuclearization and global unipolarity will almost inevitably lead the United States to intervene in regional nuclear crises, because it has an intrinsic interest in preserving the nuclear taboo (p. 29). Yusuf draws on Timothy Crawford’s “pivotal deterrence” model, “the most comprehensive framework” to explain the role of third parties as “de-escalators” during regional crises in the post-Cold War era. According to Crawford, “pivotal deterrence involves the manipulation of threats and promises in order to prevent war.” In regional crisis situations, a third-party pivot (such as the United States) is “called on to deter two sides from provoking or escalating fighting.”
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超越危机管理:美国干预印巴核危机的经验教训
印巴的核竞赛和导弹竞赛,加上两国核理论最近的变化以及由此导致的核使用危险的增加,使南亚的核威慑极难稳定。印度和巴基斯坦正在为持续的冲突“射击一个世纪”,如果不能及时化解他们之间的下一场危机,他们可能无法庆祝独立一百周年。这本优秀的书展示了美国和包括英国和中国在内的其他第三方在缓和1998年5月印度和巴基斯坦核试验以来的前三次核危机方面发挥的关键作用。印巴核竞争不是在真空中发生的,两国领导人不能忽视国际社会对次大陆核交换潜在灾难性后果的担忧。有许多关于印度和巴基斯坦试验后核危机的研究,但缺乏对影响敌对国家行为和影响这些危机结果的过程和机制的深入分析。传统的解释使用双边威慑和两个参与者的谈判模型,而没有系统地使用三个参与者的讨价还价框架。这本书开拓了新的领域,发展了一种复杂的“斡旋谈判”模式。它的出发点是,地区核化和全球单极性的结合几乎不可避免地会导致美国干预地区核危机,因为它对维护核禁忌有着内在的利益(第29页)。优素福借鉴了蒂莫西·克劳福德的“关键威慑”模型,这是“最全面的框架”,用来解释第三方在后冷战时期的地区危机中作为“自动扶梯”的作用。克劳福德表示,“关键威慑包括操纵威胁和承诺,以防止战争。”在地区危机局势中,“呼吁第三方(如美国)威慑双方挑起或升级战斗。”
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Nonproliferation Review
Nonproliferation Review Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
13
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