Sounding dissent: rebel songs, resistance and Irish republicanism

IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Irish Political Studies Pub Date : 2021-07-14 DOI:10.1080/07907184.2021.1953870
Kieran McConaghy
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Abstract

sections is on sabotage, extraordinarily neglected by most historians of violence. Given the ever-growing complexity of modern economies – pointed out acutely by the suffragette leader Emmeline Pankhurst before the Great War – systematic sabotage would appear to offer immense opportunities for those engaging in violent action against the state. Indeed the IRA embarked on such a campaign in the late 1930s (a campaign which generated Britain’s first anti-terrorist law). It proved too ambitious for the organisation’s meagre resources, but also fell victim to simple lack of competence. After that, sabotage went out of fashion amongst terrorists; Wilson notes that the Provisional IRA only began to come up with anything like a systematic sabotage strategy after two decades. This blind spot, shared by other terrorist groups, is hard to explain; Dr Wilson admits that the neglect of energy targets in particular remains puzzling. After all, it is surely a dramatic shift in targeting which marks terrorism as becoming ‘modern’. As we see here, what Wilson calls the ‘frictions of local intimacy’ which produced most premodern violence was superseded by what WB Yeats called ‘abstract hatred’. This shift towards depersonalised killing ‘remains’, as Wilson says, ‘one of the least explained features of the broader transformation of western societies into late modernity’. Alongside the anonymity marking these ‘societies of strangers’ came the capacity to label whole categories of people – from the ‘aristocrats’ of the French Revolution (few of them actual aristocrats) to the ‘bourgeoisie’ of the anarchists as legitimate targets. But modernity itself has turned out to be more complicated than early modernisation theorists assumed; sharp-eyed studies like this book will be needed to understand its nuances.
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异见声音:反叛歌曲、抵抗和爱尔兰共和主义
章节是关于蓄意破坏的,被大多数暴力历史学家所忽视。考虑到现代经济日益复杂——女权运动领袖Emmeline Pankhurst在第一次世界大战前就尖锐地指出了这一点——系统性的破坏活动似乎为那些对国家采取暴力行动的人提供了巨大的机会。事实上,爱尔兰共和军在20世纪30年代末就开始了这样一场运动(这场运动产生了英国第一部反恐法)。事实证明,对于该组织微薄的资源来说,它过于雄心勃勃,但也因为缺乏能力而成为受害者。在那之后,恐怖分子不再热衷于破坏活动;Wilson指出,临时爱尔兰共和军在20年后才开始提出类似系统性破坏战略的方案。这种盲点是其他恐怖组织共有的,很难解释;Wilson博士承认,对能源目标的忽视尤其令人费解。毕竟,这无疑是目标的戏剧性转变,标志着恐怖主义正在变得“现代”。正如我们在这里看到的,威尔逊所说的“地方亲密摩擦”产生了大多数前现代暴力,但被叶芝所说的抽象仇恨所取代。正如威尔逊所说,这种向非人格化杀戮的转变“仍然”是“西方社会向晚期现代性的更广泛转变中解释最少的特征之一”。除了标记这些“陌生人社会”的匿名性之外,还有能力将从法国大革命的“贵族”(其中很少有真正的贵族)到无政府主义的“资产阶级”等各类人列为合法目标。但事实证明,现代性本身比早期现代化理论家所设想的更为复杂;需要像这本书这样敏锐的研究来理解其中的细微差别。
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来源期刊
Irish Political Studies
Irish Political Studies POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
2.20
自引率
28.60%
发文量
34
期刊最新文献
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