{"title":"Why There Is No Working-Class Revolution","authors":"Cody Stephens","doi":"10.1177/10957960221144273","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"If all you ever heard was commentary from right-wing outlets, it would be reasonable to conclude that “cultural Marxism” was the dominant ideology among just about everyone who had ever set foot on a college campus. Of what, exactly, that ideology consists might not be very clear, but this much would probably seem beyond dispute: an out-of-touch professoriate has spent years indoctrinating students with anti-American ideas, and the wokeness they have sowed has seeped into the broader cultural sphere, poisoning the well and igniting the culture wars. What started in the ivory tower, that is, has taken over America. While this perspective is, of course, ridiculous, the reason the Tucker Carlsons of the world propagate it is because it is effective—or, at least, it works well enough. And the reason it works is because it gestures at something real, even as it grossly mischaracterizes what that thing really is. So, what exactly is “cultural Marxism”? For starters, that label—either deliberately or out of ignorance—conflates intellectual traditions that have, at best, an uneasy history. It is true that much of academic social science and humanities has, for decades, been largely focused on cultural analysis. And insofar as scholars operating under culturalist paradigms hope not just to understand the world but to change it, they do so at least in part by waging a struggle on the terrain of culture. This only makes sense if you believe that human beings construct their social reality according to norms, values, and systems of meaning they have internalized; then changing reality begins at the cultural level. They may not see it as “indoctrination” as the right does, but it is hard to escape the fact that the academic left has sought to transform society by reshaping the universe of symbols that society encounters, apprehends, internalizes, and uses as a guide to action. This is precisely what the right rails against. But the relationship between this approach and “Marxism” is far from straightforward. In fact, traditional critics claimed Marxists were insufficiently attentive to culture, relying instead on a crude structural determinism that reduced all behaviors to material interests. Modern academic cultural analysis arose historically out of a perceived failure of Marxism to explain social action, and the sources of stability and conflict within a given social order. Given the political stakes, it is necessary to clarify the relationship between Marxism and cultural analysis both for intellectual and political purposes. Stepping into this pressing need for clarification is Vivek Chibber’s newest book, The Class Matrix: Social Theory After the Cultural Turn. Chibber argues that “structuralism” remains viable as a theory for explaining sources of stability and conflict in society, and a relevant model for informing political mobilization. He does not evade the culturalist critique, but acknowledges its validity in limited 1144273 NLFXXX10.1177/10957960221144273New Labor ForumBooks and the Arts book-review2022","PeriodicalId":37142,"journal":{"name":"New Labor Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":"102 - 105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"New Labor Forum","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10957960221144273","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
If all you ever heard was commentary from right-wing outlets, it would be reasonable to conclude that “cultural Marxism” was the dominant ideology among just about everyone who had ever set foot on a college campus. Of what, exactly, that ideology consists might not be very clear, but this much would probably seem beyond dispute: an out-of-touch professoriate has spent years indoctrinating students with anti-American ideas, and the wokeness they have sowed has seeped into the broader cultural sphere, poisoning the well and igniting the culture wars. What started in the ivory tower, that is, has taken over America. While this perspective is, of course, ridiculous, the reason the Tucker Carlsons of the world propagate it is because it is effective—or, at least, it works well enough. And the reason it works is because it gestures at something real, even as it grossly mischaracterizes what that thing really is. So, what exactly is “cultural Marxism”? For starters, that label—either deliberately or out of ignorance—conflates intellectual traditions that have, at best, an uneasy history. It is true that much of academic social science and humanities has, for decades, been largely focused on cultural analysis. And insofar as scholars operating under culturalist paradigms hope not just to understand the world but to change it, they do so at least in part by waging a struggle on the terrain of culture. This only makes sense if you believe that human beings construct their social reality according to norms, values, and systems of meaning they have internalized; then changing reality begins at the cultural level. They may not see it as “indoctrination” as the right does, but it is hard to escape the fact that the academic left has sought to transform society by reshaping the universe of symbols that society encounters, apprehends, internalizes, and uses as a guide to action. This is precisely what the right rails against. But the relationship between this approach and “Marxism” is far from straightforward. In fact, traditional critics claimed Marxists were insufficiently attentive to culture, relying instead on a crude structural determinism that reduced all behaviors to material interests. Modern academic cultural analysis arose historically out of a perceived failure of Marxism to explain social action, and the sources of stability and conflict within a given social order. Given the political stakes, it is necessary to clarify the relationship between Marxism and cultural analysis both for intellectual and political purposes. Stepping into this pressing need for clarification is Vivek Chibber’s newest book, The Class Matrix: Social Theory After the Cultural Turn. Chibber argues that “structuralism” remains viable as a theory for explaining sources of stability and conflict in society, and a relevant model for informing political mobilization. He does not evade the culturalist critique, but acknowledges its validity in limited 1144273 NLFXXX10.1177/10957960221144273New Labor ForumBooks and the Arts book-review2022
如果你只听到右翼媒体的评论,那么可以合理地得出结论,“文化马克思主义”是几乎所有踏入大学校园的人的主导意识形态。这种意识形态究竟由什么组成可能还不太清楚,但这一点似乎毫无争议:一位与外界脱节的教授多年来一直在向学生灌输反美思想,他们所播下的轰动效应已经渗透到更广泛的文化领域,毒害了油井,引发了文化战争。始于象牙塔的东西,也就是说,已经占领了美国。当然,这种观点是荒谬的,但世界上的塔克·卡尔森夫妇之所以宣传它,是因为它是有效的——或者,至少,它足够有效。它之所以有效,是因为它对真实的东西做出了姿态,尽管它严重错误地描述了真实的东西。那么,“文化马克思主义”到底是什么呢?首先,这个标签——无论是故意的还是出于无知——混淆了知识分子传统,这些传统充其量只是一段不安的历史。诚然,几十年来,许多学术社会科学和人文学科都主要关注文化分析。在文化主义范式下运作的学者们不仅希望理解世界,而且希望改变世界,他们至少在一定程度上是通过在文化领域进行斗争来实现的。只有当你相信人类根据他们内化的规范、价值观和意义体系来构建他们的社会现实时,这才有意义;然后,不断变化的现实从文化层面开始。他们可能不像右派那样将其视为“灌输”,但很难逃脱这样一个事实,即学术左派试图通过重塑社会遇到、理解、内化并用作行动指南的符号宇宙来改变社会。这正是右派所反对的。但这种方法与“马克思主义”之间的关系远非简单明了。事实上,传统评论家声称马克思主义者对文化不够关注,而是依赖于一种粗糙的结构决定论,这种决定论将所有行为都归结为物质利益。现代学术文化分析在历史上产生于马克思主义在解释社会行为以及特定社会秩序中稳定和冲突的根源方面的失败。鉴于政治利害关系,有必要澄清马克思主义与文化分析之间的关系,无论是出于智力还是政治目的。维韦克·奇伯(Vivek Chibber)的新书《阶级矩阵:文化转向后的社会理论》(The Class Matrix:Social Theory After The Cultural Turn)也提出了这一迫切需要澄清的问题。Chibber认为,“结构主义”作为解释社会稳定和冲突根源的理论,以及为政治动员提供信息的相关模型,仍然是可行的。他没有回避文化主义的批评,但在有限的1144273 NLFXXX10.1177/10957960221144273新劳工论坛图书和艺术书评2022中承认其有效性