Comment on “Higher Education in the United States: Laissez-Faire, Differentiation, and Research”

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Asian Economic Policy Review Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI:10.1111/aepr.12431
Takatoshi Ito
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In a signaling model, high-caliber (high productivity) students are willing to do extra (possibly unproductive) tasks that incur costs, if the extra task is used to screen students and the cost of the task is negatively correlated with the caliber of students. If high-caliber (research-oriented) students can perform well in entrance exams (in Japan) or in the preparation of admission documents and course work in college (in the USA) more easily than ordinary students, then the entrance exams, admission process, and course grades can be used as a signal of high-caliber students destined to be researchers (and other high paying jobs).</p><p>Citing Epple and Romano (<span>1998</span>) and MacLeod and Urquiola (<span>2015</span>), Urquiola (<span>2023</span>) predicts that a laissez-faire school market will have two kinds of universities: Selective schools with the highest prestige being small and in a strict hierarchy and a larger segment of non-selective schools. 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引用次数: 1

Abstract

I read Urquiola (2023) with a keen personal interest as well as an academic interest. In my 47-year professional life, half was spent in US academia and the other half in Japanese academia. From time to time, I have compared Japanese universities with their US counterparts. Table 1 is a summary of my experiences.

Indeed, the Japanese research universities now are like US universities in the mid-1800s as described by Urquiola (2023). According to the 2023 Times Higher Education university ranking, the University of Tokyo, a top-ranked Japanese university, places only at #39 in the world.1

Urquiola (2023) explains how the leading US universities became globally leading research universities in the late 20th century, while they did not have such a reputation in the mid-19th century. There are interesting questions of why and how it became possible for them to make such a transition. Urquiola attributes the success of US universities to a “laissez-faire orientation,” namely, “thousands of institutions largely left to compete with each other, even if most enjoy some form of state financial support.”

Urquiola argues that “selectivity appeared in the USA is not surprising from the point of view of economic theory” and that “economic models fully predict this in a laissez-faire educational market.” There are two mechanisms at work: a “peer effect” and an “information effect,” that is, graduating from prestigious schools carries information of a high caliber. In addition, “network” effects can be expected.

The information effect here seems to be a variation of signaling theory (Spence, 1974). In a signaling model, high-caliber (high productivity) students are willing to do extra (possibly unproductive) tasks that incur costs, if the extra task is used to screen students and the cost of the task is negatively correlated with the caliber of students. If high-caliber (research-oriented) students can perform well in entrance exams (in Japan) or in the preparation of admission documents and course work in college (in the USA) more easily than ordinary students, then the entrance exams, admission process, and course grades can be used as a signal of high-caliber students destined to be researchers (and other high paying jobs).

Citing Epple and Romano (1998) and MacLeod and Urquiola (2015), Urquiola (2023) predicts that a laissez-faire school market will have two kinds of universities: Selective schools with the highest prestige being small and in a strict hierarchy and a larger segment of non-selective schools. Most public (state) universities in the USA belong to the latter. The existence of two types of schools makes it different from Spence's original signaling model.

Once a university has established its status as a top-notch research university, its reputation attracts researchers with excellent publication records who can be recruited and high-caliber students will be attracted. High tuition can be charged without losing applicants and ample overhead revenues from grants to faculty members can be earned. This makes it possible to pay high salaries to faculty members. High-caliber graduates of the university will be able to take well-paying job. The university can count on donations from rich alumnae.

This is a virtuous circle, or an equilibrium. Once it is established it is relatively easy to maintain, and it would be difficult for a new comer to break into the ranks of top-notch universities and to establish the virtuous circle. On the other hand, it would be hard to get back to the high status, once the reputation is lost for some reason. Financial resources are an important part of keeping the reputation.

Education has an externality. Providing education to a mass of population is beneficial to the society as well as to students, who can raise the value of human capital in exchange for tuition. It is commonly believed that more young people having high-quality education is good for society, too. Industries will locate in this country when more highly educated people are available as managers and researchers. Research output, say vaccines discovery and production, will make a whole society better than otherwise. This externality justifies government aid.

Although Urquiola emphasizes “laissez-faire,” competition among educational institutions cannot be completely laissez-faire. State (public) universities receive state aid. Even research universities receive an “overhead” from government grants to individual researchers. Research universities have an incentive to hire high-caliber professors who receive research grants and corporate donations. What would be an appropriate level of government subsidies? This is an important question in the future.

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评《美国高等教育:公平、分化与研究》
我怀着强烈的个人兴趣和学术兴趣阅读了《Urquiola》(2023)。在我47年的职业生涯中,一半在美国学术界度过,另一半在日本学术界度过。我不时地将日本大学与美国大学进行比较。表1是我的经验总结。事实上,正如Urquiola(2023)所描述的那样,现在的日本研究型大学就像19世纪中期的美国大学。根据2023年《泰晤士报》高等教育大学排名,排名第一的日本大学东京大学在世界上仅排名第39位。1 Urquiola(2023)解释了美国顶尖大学如何在20世纪末成为全球领先的研究型大学,而在19世纪中期却没有这样的声誉。有一些有趣的问题是,为什么以及如何使他们能够进行这样的转变。Urquiola将美国大学的成功归因于“自由放任导向”,即“数千所大学基本上只能相互竞争,即使大多数大学都享有某种形式的国家财政支持。Urquiola认为,“从经济理论的角度来看,美国出现的选择性并不令人惊讶”,“经济模型在自由放任的教育市场中充分预测了这一点。”有两种机制在起作用:“同伴效应”和“信息效应”,也就是说,从名牌学校毕业会带来高水平的信息。此外,“网络”效应是可以预料的。这里的信息效应似乎是信号理论的变体(Spence,1974)。在信号模型中,如果额外的任务被用来筛选学生,并且任务的成本与学生的能力呈负相关,那么高能力(高生产力)的学生愿意做额外的(可能没有生产力)任务,这会产生成本。如果高水平(研究型)学生能够比普通学生更容易地在入学考试(在日本)或大学录取文件的准备和课程工作中表现出色(在美国),那么入学考试、录取过程和课程成绩可以作为高水平学生注定要成为研究人员(以及其他高薪工作)的信号。Urquiola(2023)引用Epple和Romano(1998)以及MacLeod和Urquiola。美国大多数公立(州立)大学都属于后者。两种类型的学校的存在使其不同于Spence最初的信号模型。一所大学一旦确立了一流研究型大学的地位,它的声誉就会吸引有优秀出版记录的研究人员,吸引高素质的学生。可以在不损失申请人的情况下收取高昂的学费,并可以从教师补助金中获得充足的间接收入。这使得向教员支付高薪成为可能。这所大学的高素质毕业生将能够从事高薪工作。这所大学可以指望富有校友的捐款。这是一个良性循环,或者说是一种平衡。它一旦建立起来,就相对容易维持,新来者很难跻身一流大学的行列,也很难建立良性循环。另一方面,一旦声誉因某种原因而丧失,就很难再回到崇高的地位。财务资源是保持声誉的重要组成部分。教育具有外部性。为广大人口提供教育有利于社会,也有利于学生,他们可以用学费来提高人力资本的价值。人们普遍认为,更多的年轻人接受高质量的教育对社会也有好处。当更多受过高等教育的人可以担任经理和研究人员时,工业将落户这个国家。疫苗的发现和生产表明,研究成果将使整个社会变得更好。这种外部性证明了政府援助的合理性。尽管Urquiola强调“放任”,但教育机构之间的竞争不能完全放任。国立(公立)大学接受国家资助。即使是研究型大学也会从政府对个人研究人员的资助中获得“间接费用”。研究型大学有动机雇佣高素质的教授,这些教授接受研究资助和企业捐赠。政府补贴的适当水平是多少?这是未来的一个重要问题。
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期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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